THE PAPAL MONARCHY

The Western Church from 1050 to 1250

PART III - cont.


Chapter 2I
THE STRUCTURE OF GOVERNMENT

i The Bishops
After I had been appointed bishop, I reflected that I was a bishop and! shepherd of souls, and that I was obliged . . . to show every diligence in visiting the sheep which had been committed to me, as Scripture disposes and commands. I therefore undertook to tour my bishopric and all its rural deaneries. I had the clergy of each deanery in order summoned for a set day and place, and the people warned to come then and there with children for confirmation, to hear the word of God and to confess. When the clergy and people had assembled, I myself frequently expounded the word of God to the clergy, and one of the Friars Preacher or Minor to the people. And four friars thereafter heard the confessions and imposed penances. Children were confirmed on the same day and subsequently, and all the time my clerks and I were engaged in inquisitions, corrections and reforms, as is required by the work of inquisition. On my first tour some people came to me and said in criticism of what I was doing, 'Sir, you are doing something new and unaccustomed'. I replied to them: 'Every new thing which establishes, forwards and perfects the new man is bound to corrupt and destroy the old. So blessed is the new, and altogether acceptable to Him who comes to renew the old man with his own newness'.

This manifesto for the pastoral revolution was presented in a memorandum to the pope and cardinals in 1250 by Bishop Robert Grosseteste of Lincoln. 1 Its agents above all were bishops, friars, and scholars, and in Grosseteste the three groups came together, for he was an outstanding scholar and close associate of Franciscans and Dominicans. The question which faces us now is the character of the thirteenth-century episcopate and the extent to which it embodied the new style of pastoral ministry.

The method by which these men were appointed had by this time been regularized. As in so many areas Innocent III's pontificate was the crucial one, for he secured the recognition of freedom of election in Sicily, Germany, and England, the very areas where royal

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1 C&S, ii.264-5. For the full text see S. Gieben in Collectanea Franciscana 41 ( 1971), 340-93.

influence had been greatest in the twelfth century, and thereafter the ruler's official part throughout most of Christendom was limited to the granting of a licence to elect and subsequent approval of the candidate. Meanwhile the electoral assembly had been defined. In Chapter 9 above it was observed that in the twelfth century the right of election had been progressively restricted to canons of the cathedral to the exclusion of other clergy and laity. It did not prove easy to complete the removal of laity, especially in Germany where the ministeriales, the military and administrative servants of the bishopric, had always been involved in episcopal assemblies and were increasing in power from the later twelfth century onwards. Even after 1220 we still find them intervening in the choice of bishops at Paderborn and elsewhere. In a few places, too, the rights of the clergy of the diocese survived for a time, as at Cologne, where a college of priores embodied the views of senior clergy. But the formal position was now clear in canon law: when the Fourth Lateran Council prescribed the procedure in elections it only took the canons into account. In the thirteenth century the normal and legal method of appointing a bishop was election by the cathedral chapter. The arrangement makes the period unique in the history of the western church.

The committing of election to a precisely constituted body was new, at least outside the special circumstances of the monasteries, and required the development of new terminology. In the time of Alexander III we first hear of the cathedral canons as the 'college' or 'chapter', the term which was to become standard. The definition of types of election by the Fourth Lateran was probably a tidying up of practices which already existed. 2 In law the chapter's freedom of choice was now well established, but outside voices had no difficulty in making themselves heard. If the local nobility could no longer attend the election, their families were on the cathedral chapters and nothing could prevent a display of strength on the day of decision in the city streets. The king had a natural opportunity to make his opinion known when the licence to elect was requested, and in practice chapters sometimes had to accept the lay ruler's nomination. In England, where there was a tradition of royal control, John's charter of 1214 reduced, but did not abolish, the Crown's influence. He reserved the right to refuse assent if there were reasonable and lawful grounds, and at Bangor he actually named the new bishop

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2 Lateran canons IV23-6, cited Greg. IX, Decretals, 1.6.4I-4 (88-9).

when he granted the licence to elect. In 1257 the clergy of the province of Canterbury included among their grievances a complaint of improper royal pressure upon electors, who were overawed by the king's requests or found that their choice was rejected. 3 Paradoxically, however, it was the papacy, which had done so much to achieve freedom of election, which was the primary agent in undermining it. The pope could intervene in the electoral procedure for a number of reasons, the most important being to adjudicate a disputed election, and in addition, from Innocent III onwards, the Roman Church claimed that by virtue of its fullness of power it could set aside the rules and proceed to an appointment by its own authority. The right was used only rarely in the first half of the century, but in 1246 Innocent IV, in face of his conflict with Frederick II, instructed German chapters that they should not proceed to elect to any vacancies, but consult his legate. This measure seems to have been a temporary response to a political crisis, for in 1252 he ordered the procedure for canonical election to be followed in future. It therefore remains the case that the overwhelming number of bishops were elected by their cathedral chapters; but the normal working of the system required frequent reference to Rome, and there had been disquieting signs that the liberty could be revoked in the interests of the papacy.

What sort of bishops were appointed by these procedures? It is easy to point to outstanding examples of great scholars, nobles, or administrators, but in many cases we know little of the education or earlier career of bishops. There had already been a considerable group of magistri among twelfth-century bishops, but the period after 1200 saw the most distinguished promotions of scholars, especially in England and northern France, and among them were the leaders in the new pastoral methods. It was natural that Paris should have a series of bishops drawn from the university since at least the time of Peter Lombard ( 1159-60). In the thirteenth century these included Odo of Sully ( 1196-1208) and the theologian William of Auvergne ( 1228-49). Another Paris master who joined the Franciscans and subsequently became a bishop was Odo Rigaud, archbishop of Rouen ( 1247-76). In England one of the most influential was Stephen Langton ( 1207-28), and two scholar-bishops were canonized as saints, Edmund of Abingdon at Canterbury ( 1234-40) and Richard Wych at Chichester ( 1245-53). Alexander

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3 Complaints of the clergy C. 3-4 ( C&S ii.540).

Stavensby of Coventry and Lichfield ( 1224-38) had taught theology at Toulouse, and Robert Grosseteste of Lincoln ( 1235-53) at Oxford. The impact of scholars upon the Italian episcopate was less significant because of the small size of many bishoprics and the attractions of employment at the curia. Royal clerks probably provided fewer bishops in the first half of the thirteenth century, but there are still some prominent examples. In France the Hospitaller Guérin was a close friend of Philip Augustus and described as 'second only to the king'. He became bishop of Senlis in 1213 and was favoured with a series of grants from Philip, whose donations to the church were usually parsimonious. He was a commander at the victory of Bouvines in 1214 and assisted in the establishment of the abbey of La Victoire as an act of thanksgiving. In England we find such royal agents as the financier Peter des Roches ( Winchester 120538) and the chancellor Ralph Nevill( Chichester 1224-44) who was such a perpetual absentee that his precentor had to write to invite him to the Easter ceremonies.

The twelfth-century pattern of aristocratic bishops continued, and included some who had nothing to commend them except their high birth. In England Henry III's appointments included his halfbrother, Aylmer of Lusignan, whom he pressed on the electors at Winchester in 1250 in spite of his evident unsuitability, and the queen's uncle Boniface of Savoy ( archbishop of Canterbury 1245-70) spent a great deal of time outside the country in support of his own interests. In Germany the waning of imperial influence left sees increasingly in the hands of the local nobility. Thus Speyer broke away from its close union with imperial interests and passed into the hands of the Leiningen-Eberstein family, descending from uncle to nephew with only two exceptions between 1237 and 1336. Local nobles are not bound to be bad bishops, but some of these emphatically were: Henry of Geldern, whom Innocent IV appointed to Liège before 1247 was well under age, left his diocese to be administered by papal legates, and remained a subdeacon in order to devote himself to the pursuit of papal political interest. In many parts of the western church, bishops continued to be predominantly chosen from the local community, often from one family. The bishopric of Clermont in France will serve as an example. All the bishops whose origin is known during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries were from the Auvergne, and the see descended from uncle to nephew for almost a century between 1195 and 1286 in the influential family of La Tour du Pin. While this was an important power locally, it owed its success to royal service: Bishop Robert ( 1195-1227) assisted Philip II to establish the control of the Crown in the region, Hugh ( 1227-49) died fighting on Louis IX's Egyptian crusade, and strong pressure was exercised by the court to secure the election of Guy ( 1250-86). In this instance Crown, nobility, and church were locked together into a particularly stable system. The increased independence of the chapters gave a particular character to these local links, for they had a marked tendency to elect people with experience in ecclesiastical administration, either from their own ranks or from nearby dioceses, and the choice of deans or archdeacons as bishops helped to confirm the control of dominant families in some bishoprics. The family interests may have expressed themselves in rather different forms from those of two hundred years before, but they were no less strong.

By 1200 the 'new episcopalism' which had been developing throughout the previous century was arriving at a much clearer conception of the bishop's office. 4 Drawing from the concepts of Roman law, the canonists defined the powers of the bishop as 'ordinary jurisdiction'. This embraced almost everything involved in the well-being of the church in his diocese, and was expressed by Honorius III as including 'canonical obedience, subjection and reverence, institution and deprivation, correction and reformation, and ecclesiastical censure; also jurisdiction over all causes lawfully pertaining to the ecclesiastical forum, penances and . . . also annual visitation'. 5 However much the popes might intervene, they did not doubt that bishops were the proper rulers of their dioceses, and the amount of business before the bishop was increasing rapidly. The strictly legal terminology which was introduced strikes harshly on modern ears. We would more readily speak of the bishop's function in administration and use the analogy of the civil service, but medieval society, with its insistence on public government and the open transaction of business, thought in legal terms and regarded the bishop as ordinary judge. While it is true that diocesan tribunals heard a great number of cases about tithes and wills, the pastoral significance of the bishop's legal powers was not lost, as can be seen from Grosseteste's account of his visitations with which this section opened. Without the bishop's newly defined position as ordinary the

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4 See ch. 9. iii.
5 Greg. IX, Decretals, 1.31.16 (193).

strenuous attempt to discipline the local clergy could scarcely have been conceived.

In 1200 canon law contained few prescriptions about the administrative structure within which the bishop's jurisdiction should be exercised, and one of the achievements of the first half of the century was the creation of a regular system by the reconstruction of the bishop's staff. In England and France the term 'official', originally a general term for an administrator, came to be applied to a specific group with supervisory authority in diocesan affairs, for example at York in a long vacancy from 1181 to 1191 and at Canterbury in the frequent absences of Archbishop Hubert Walter( 1193-1205). It then was used for a single officer in charge of the bishop's spiritual jurisdiction, the later 'official principal'. By 1210 such an official existed in most dioceses in England and northern France, and subsequently the practice spread to the Rhineland and southern France. The official's fortune was finally made by Innocent IV's decretal Romana ecclesia in 1246 which, while it did not require such an appointment in all dioceses, provided a pattern which was widely followed except in Italy. The adoption of the Romano-canonical procedure had already begun to shape the pattern of diocesan courts. It involved for each case numerous appearances or court days and the keeping of a full written record, and the old system was unable to incorporate it. In the past major pleas had been heard before the bishop in his synod (in England and Germany), or (in France) in an assembly of senior clergy and lay tenants in the bishop's court. The change did not involve an abandonment of synods; indeed, as we shall shortly see, they had an important, but quite different, role in the thirteenth century. Perhaps we should allow ourselves a moment to mourn the passing of the synod as a major tribunal: for centuries trial before fellow-clergy had been the primary guarantee of a fair hearing, and its replacement by a professional tribunal, with a right of appeal to superior authority, was an important organizational change. Even in 1200 it was possible to use the word 'synodical' as a synonym of 'legal', but in the thirteenth century it is rare to hear of the adjudication of cases in the diocesan synod. Instead they went to the bishop's auditory, staffed by his legal advisers, which in the course of the first half of the century came to be known by its later name of consistory, with the official as its regular president. The process was embodied in Roman ecclesia in 1246, where Innocent IV defined officials as those 'who generally take cognizance of causes pertaining to the forum' of the bishops and should be deemed to constitute 'one and the same auditory or consistory with the bishops'. 6

The discipline of the diocese depended on the development of an effective system of visitation. In his memorandum to Innocent IV Robert Grosseteste showed his awareness that he was innovating in extending visitation beyond the monasteries to the secular clergy and laity. Visitation records are rare for the mid-thirteenth century, those of Archbishop Odo Rigaud at Rouen being much the best preserved, and we cannot be sure of the details; but in the minds of some bishops the visitation was the northern equivalent of the inquisitions which were being held in southern France. Indeed, canonically it was an inquisition, directed against abuses rather than heresies. In the nature of things visitation by the bishop in a large diocese was a rare event, and a great deal depended on the efficiency of the archdeacons in pursuing more regular inquiries. Well before 1200 (in England at least) the archdeacon was being assisted by a vice-archdeacon or official; with a few exceptions he could hear any case which fell within the bishop's jurisdiction and had primary responsibility for the institution of clergy in their parishes. How efficient the archdeacons were, and how far they should be blamed for the unsatisfactory state of the parochial clergy, it is hard to say. They had a poor press, and academics amused themselves with the question whether an archdeacon could be saved; but the absentee archdeacon was not as common a figure as he later became, and in any case his functions were largely executed by his official. The system did, however, create a clumsy duplication. The archdeacon was the agent of the bishop, but so was the bishop's official, and the same ordinary jurisdiction was being administered twice. It was an awkward arrangement which created tangles in practice and conflicts between bishops and archdeacons.

The synod, which was no longer a major centre for pleas and litigation, came to fulfil another purpose. It was chosen as a vehicle for the pastoral instruction of the clergy, at a variety of levels from the Fourth Lateran Council through provincial assemblies to diocesan synods. These were steps in an international system of information, and far more of their concern than in the past was directed to the daily responsibilities of the parochial clergy in baptizing, saying mass, hearing confessions, and instructing their

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6 Sext. II.15.3 ( Friedberg ii. I015).

people. There were a few earlier instances of diocesan statutes: at Saintes the Second Lateran decrees were reissued locally just after 1139, and the decrees of Lincoln survive from 1186. The new tradition really began with the lengthy statutes which Bishop Odo of Sully issued for Paris shortly after 1203. They were used as a quarry for decrees by later councils. In 1213 Robert Courson as papal legate held a major reforming council at Paris which provided material for Fourth Lateran. In England Hubert Walter had already held a provincial council at Westminster in 1200, and Fourth Lateran was followed by the legislation of Bishop Richard le Poore for Salisbury diocese in 1217/8 and of Stephen Langton for the province of Canterbury at the council of Oxford in 1222. In both France and England diocesan synods reissued this legislation for their own clergy and incorporated it in a synodal book along with teaching for parish priests about confession, moral theology, and the faith as a whole. Such a book was prepared by William of Beaumont, bishop of Angers, in 1216/9 and was widely adopted in western France, while some dioceses required a copy of their statutes to be available in every parish.

This sustained and serious attempt to instruct the local clergy was accompanied by better keeping of records. The first steps were taken in the later twelfth century, but they have left few traces and progress becomes evident in the thirteenth. Archives and files were beginning to be kept on a large scale. The continuous history of surviving papal registers begins with Innocent III in 1198, and the first episcopal registers are those of Hugh of Wells at Lincoln ( 1209-35) and Walter de Gray at York ( 1215-55). This was not only the product of a passion for order, but reflected the concern of Fourth Lateran for the condition of the local churches: institutions to benefices and the endowment of vicars are prominent in the earliest registers. Another form of record was a description of parishes and their revenues, a sort of ecclesiastical Domesday which in France is known as a pouillé, of which an example survives for the diocese of Lyon from about 1190, prepared by Archbishop John Bellesmains. This movement towards record-keeping was characteristic of churches all over Europe, but Italy had its own version. The most literate of all Christian nations, it already had a service of public notaries working in the cities, and the bishops rarely developed their own records. They employed registrars who had notarial training or simply used the local notaries as the need arose. With few exceptions episcopal archives in Italy consist of copies of deeds and grants, differing considerably from the administrative files which were beginning to be assembled in bishops' chanceries north of the Alps.

The distinctive features of Italian dioceses have been mentioned more than once, and are an illustration of the way in which national churches were pursuing their own lines of development. All had been influenced by the new pastoral ideals, but were expressing them in different ways. In England and France the bishops had taken the lead in applying the Lateran policy, strengthening their administration, disseminating instruction in synods, and using friars as preachers and confessors. The influence of Paris and Oxford was strong. In southern France the same ideas were being applied with the very important difference that the bishops there were largely concerned with the repression of heresy and depended on inquisitions conducted by friars under papal authority. Germany presents a different pattern: the bishops were particularly influential in politics, princes on a scale which in England only Durham could partly match. Nobles rather than scholars, they were much less interested in pastoral innovation, which they left to the friars, who along with the Beguines were creating a new spiritual atmosphere in the cities. Contemporaries were well aware of the contrasts. A clerk from Paris commented that 'almost all the German bishops wield both the spiritual and secular swords. And since they make judgements of blood and wage war, they are better suited to being soldiers than attending to the salvation of souls committed to their care.' 7 In Italy, especially in the centre and south, the bishops stood out much less prominently among the clergy; communities of canons were important in the urban churches; there was a strong link between the church and the rulers of the city communes; and the new spirit was again expressed by the friars, who however were less scholarly and more given to popular enthusiasms than their brethren in the north. Even Archbishop Federigo Visconti of Pisa, whose ideas in many ways matched those of his French colleagues, reminds us of the special features of Italy in his close association with Pisan political interests, his connections with St Francis and the central position given to personal preaching in his ministry. In all countries there were of course good bishops and bad, faithful servants and perpetual absentees. All of them found it formidably difficult to alter the conditions of life of the local clergy.

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7 Caesarius of Heisterbach, Dialogus miraculorum, ii. 27, ed. J. Strange, i.99.

ii. Parishes
In the eyes of reforming bishops the parish church was the keystone to ecclesiastical discipline, in a sense which had not been true in the past. The Fourth Lateran Council had required the faithful to confess to their own priest, proprius sacerdos ; northern French synods insisted that people from outside the parish should not be allowed to receive marriage, burial, or purification after childbirth there, nor even be permitted to attend mass; and southern synods saw the parish as a unit for inquiry into heresy. 8 The new assumption is illustrated in a document of Bishop Alberic of Chartres, who in 1241 discovered to his dismay that pastoral responsibility for the canons and junior clergy of Blois and their families had not been formally allocated. Remarking that 'considerable danger often arose from this uncertainty', he held an inquiry into local customs and carried out a division of souls among the churches there. 9

This shift of emphasis at once posed a problem, because the revenues of the church were not concentrated in its parishes. The older canons which Gratian revived gave stewardship of tithes and landed revenues to the bishop, not to the individual country churches, and in distributing them priority was given to the support of monks and regular canons. When a new emphasis was placed on the parish it was found to be underfunded. The problem was not primarily the lay patron. True, local nobles had often managed to keep hold of tithes, but at least their ability to tap ecclesiastical revenues in the future had been strictly limited. The threat to parochial revenues came primarily from the communities to which they had been transferred during the process of restitution in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Provided that an abbey simply acted as patron and presented its nominee to the bishop this did not have direct implications for the revenue, but often the abbey had retained the whole income for its own use, leaving the service of the parish to temporary and ill-paid substitutes. At Bourges around 1200, for example, there was constant tension between the archbishop and the abbey of Déols over the administration of its parishes. At about this time clear legal expression was being given to the position of monasteries which had absorbed the parish into their community resources. The decretals of Innocent III wrote of 'conferring in

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8 On the earlier development of the parish church, see ch 12.iii above.
9 Gall. Christ. VIII, Instr. pp. 432-3.

perpetuity vacant baptismal churches' and recognized that in certain cases 'religious are permitted to convert their churches to their own use'. 10 The process was soon to be known as incorporation or appropriation, and its essence was that the monastery did not present the rector; it became the rector and received his income. In many countries the first formal acts of appropriation are found shortly after 1200, but they were essentially extending or confirming a state of affairs already customary. The problem which faced the bishop was to secure provision for an adequate ministry in such a parish, and this was achieved by insisting on the appointment of a vicar with a secure income. The first clear statement of this policy was at the Council of Reims in 1148, which required that the proprius sacerdos should have a revenue assigned to him. 11 The same policy appeared in canons issued at Avranches in 1172 and York 1195, and specific instances of the ordination of vicarages can be found from the 1150s onwards. 12 The arrangement was generalized by canon 32 of the Fourth Lateran Council, which criticized the 'vicious custom' by which priests serving parishes were left without a sufficient portion. This decree has been described as the Magna Carta of the parish priest and was followed, particularly in England, by a campaign for the ordination of vicarages.

Appropriation was not the only way in which resources were deflected away from the parish. Another major problem was the number of rectors who did not perform their pastoral duties. The fragmentary evidence of institutions in England before 1250 suggests that some 80 per cent of those appointed rector had not yet been ordained priest. They were pressed to proceed to the priesthood as soon as possible and to reside in their benefices, but even if they did so it remains true that bishops who were endeavouring to build up the pastoral ministry were normally obliged to appoint men without experience, who had never presided at mass, heard a confession, or preached a sermon. One suspects that inactive or non-resident rectors who left the work to their vicars were common in thirteenthcentury England. Their ranks were increased by the ability of influential clergy to accumulate benefices to an extent which cannot be demonstrated for earlier periods; a man such as John Mansel, one of Henry III's confidential advisers, could build up what amounted

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10 Greg. IX, Decretals, III. 10.8 and V.33.19 (505 and 865).
11 Mansi xxi.716.
12 Mansi xxii. 139; C&S i.1049.

to an empire of ecclesiastical posts. Although canon law prohibited such pluralism it was easy to obtain papal dispensations, and privileged clergy could increase their incomes by obtaining one of the growing number of papal provisions, to which we must turn later. 13 A great deal of the actual work was undoubtedly done by perpetual vicars, chaplains, or others, who were maintained out of only a small proportion of the income of the parish. Did the bishops succeed in securing for such junior clergy a sufficient income to discharge their offices properly? There is a good deal of evidence from thirteenth-century England about the assessment of the incomes of those serving parishes. In the diocese of Chichester, where there were many vicars, over half the parish priests had an income assessed at more than £7. This was roughly the same as the wage of a skilled craftsman and would have made the priest one of the richest men in the village. What is more, these figures come from assessment lists for taxation and are likely to be understated. Beyond this point all is uncertainty, and historians have reached very different conclusions about the adequacy of the endowments. John Moorman's view was that 'with one or two notable exceptions the clergy of England in the thirteenth century were poor men'. 14 Conversely Brian Tierney thought that the parochial clergy had a sufficient income to maintain themselves adequately and in addition to perform their duty of poor relief, which may have been better provided than at any other time before the twentieth century. 15

In many lands there were signs of vitality in parish life which confirm that, from whatever source, there was income available. In spite of much later rebuilding it is still easy to see the contribution of the first half of the thirteenth century to the architecture of local churches. The extension of chancels reflected the development of a more complex liturgy. Clergy were more numerous -- a large parish was supposed to have the assistance of a deacon, subdeacon, and clerk in minor orders -- and were provided with their own entrance directly into the chancel from outside, and ambitious parishes were beginning to build rood screens and Easter sepulchres. Lay initiatives were more frequent. In the large cities of Italy laymen began in the

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13 Pluralism was prohibited in Third Lateran can. 14 ( Alberigo 194 = Greg. IX, Decretals, III.5.5 (465)) and. with the significant exclusion of influential and learned people, in Fourth Lateran can. 29 ( Alberigo 224 = Greg. IX, Decretals, III.5.2.8 (477-8)).
14 J. R. H. Moorman, Church Life in England in the Thirteenth Century ( Cambridge, 1945), 154.
15 B. Tierney, Medieval Poor Law ( Berkeley, 1959), 109.

twelfth century to administer the fabric fund in important churches. The division of responsibility for the building between rector and people is difficult to date, but it was common in the first half of the thirteenth century and obviously implied that the financing of the nave (the people's part of the church) was coming under the supervision of laymen. Shortly after 1250 we begin to encounter the first signs of wardens (the later churchwardens) at a few places in England. In some regions the community as a whole secured the right to elect its priest. It is not surprising that the governing classes in Italian communes did so, but more striking to find that in the German countryside, when a new parish was separated, it was not uncommon to give the inhabitants the right to present the name of the incumbent to the bishop. Amid all the regional diversity there is a common pattern: the parish church was a more lively place in 1250 than in 1150 and the laity contributed to its activities more than they had done in the past.

It would be satisfying if we could end this sketch of parochial life with a comparison of the local clergy in 1050 and 1250, but any such attempt would be hazardous. We do not have the sort of evidence needed to reach precise conclusions; our knowledge is impressionistic and anecdotal. Moreover, it would be misleading to attempt a straightforward comparison between 1050 and 1250, because the nature of the church's presence in the countryside had greatly changed. In almost every district there were more parish churches (sometimes many more) and they were larger, better built, with a more numerous staff of clergy. Even more striking was the increased number of houses of monks and regular canons in the countryside and towns. There were also more recent changes, which still had to take full effect, designed to raise the level of discipline and understanding among the laity through the confessional, visitations, confraternities, and preaching. Some of the practices attacked by the Gregorians had almost disappeared. It is significant that when the Fourth Lateran complained about simony, it assumed it was being practised in secret -- a dramatic change from the eleventh century. The direct inheritance of livings from father to son, which in some places was still quite widespread in the later twelfth century, was finally eradicated as a result of the episcopal control of institutions to livings. Lay patrons had almost disappeared in some regions, and in others their ability to exploit their churches was under control. Other evidence, however, suggests that the problems had changed their form rather than been solved. While synods condemned the levy of undue charges by clergy for their ministry and sacraments, they also insisted that 'just as we command that wrongful exactions must not be made from (laymen), so we command laudable customs must be maintained'. 16 This appears to concede the maintenance of established charges for the sacraments, and in fact parochial accounts show a significant income from customary dues at mass, confession, churchings, and marriage, though rarely at baptism. The prohibition of simony had been diluted until it merely forbade new charges. The campaign against clerical marriage had undoubtedly reduced the number of married priests, perhaps almost to vanishing point, but in consequence it had produced a great deal of sexual immorality. When Archbishop Odo of Rouen visited the deanery of Eu in January 1249, he found eight priests who were reputed to be incontinent. Several of them were suspected of having relations with more than one woman, while the rural dean, appropriately to his higher status, was having an affair with the wife of the knight of the village. There are plenty of similar reports, and the impression is confirmed in detail by the visitation records from Kent in 1292. The opponents of the Gregorian reform seem to have been right in their pessimistic prophecies about the result of denying marriage to the clergy; indeed, people were still making the same complaints againt Innocent III:

Non est Innocentius, immo nocens vere qui quod Deus docuit, studet abolere; jussit enim dominus ferninas habere, sed hoc noster pontifex jussit prohibere. 17

Innocent by name, but not innocent in deed, trying to abolish rules which God has decreed. For the Lord provided a woman for a man, but it's been prohibited by a papal ban.

There were other complaints about the parochial clergy, too, in particular drunkenness, which seems to have been widespread, and ignorance. Although there was a steady permeation of graduates from the universities, they were coming in at the level of rectors, whose impact on the actual quality of ministry was not necessarily great. The evidence points clearly towards the conclusion that the

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16 Statutes of Salisbury, c. 17( 1217/9), C&S ii. 66, based on Lateran IV canon 66.
17 T. Wright (ed.), The Latin Poems attributed to Walter Mapes (Camden Society, 1841), 172.

bishops were faced with almost insuperable problems and had failed to secure a reasonable standard of ministry in many local churches. When the radical Franciscan Salimbene looked back to the Fourth Lateran Council, it seemed to him to have achieved nothing worth reporting, and he omitted it 'for weariness and the avoidance of prolixity'. 18 It is a cruel judgement on the endeavours of Innocent III, but undeniably a significant one.

iii. Monasteries and Cathedrals
Some observers in 1200 saw the monastic establishment as the finest product of medieval society and as full of hope for the future. The number of monasteries was enormous. When Louis VIII of France made his will in 1225 he provided benefactions for 60 Premonstratensian abbeys, 40 Victorine, 60 Cistercian, a further 20 Cistercian nunneries, 200 hospitals, and 2,000 leper-houses, and this was to make no mention of the many Cluniac and black-monk houses, most of them surrounded by satellite cells. 19 Innocent III turned to the Cistercians for action against the Albigensians and for leadership in monastic renewal, and Abbot Joachim, with his perceptive if eccentric feel for contemporary events, looked forward to the new age as a sort of republic of monks. By 1250 these hopes had been disappointed. Historians of monasticism have tended to link the thirteenth century with the later Middle Ages and have seen it as the introduction to a long decline, but the reality was more mixed. There were important success stories, including the expansion of Joachim's order of Fiore in southern Italy and the flowering of nunneries associated with the Beguines in the Low countries and the abbeys which directed them: Thomas of Cantimpré called Afflighem 'the most regular of all the monasteries of this order'. 20 Yet these were exceptions. Taking Europe as a whole the central themes of the period were the problems afflicting black-monk houses; the failure of the Cistercians to maintain the initiative which they originally possessed; and the halting progress of the reforms promoted by a series of popes.

One of the signs of decline which was to become evident in the fourteenth century was a fall in the number of monks, but it is not

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18 O. Holder-Egger (ed.), Cronica Fratris Salimbene de Adam, MGH SS XXXII 22.
19 M. Bouquet et al. (eds.), Recued des Historiens des Gaules et de la France ( Paris, 1738- 1904), XVII.310-1.
20 Vita S. Liudgardis ii. 2.24 (AASS June iii. 249).

clear that communities had fallen to an unsatisfactory size before 1250: figures ranging from 35 to 100 monks can commonly be found in important abbeys. The monastic establishment remained stable throughout the thirteenth century. Although there were few new foundations, few monasteries disappeared. In England not a single house was abolished apart from a handful of dependent cells whose monks were relocated by the parent abbey; in Italy and Germany dispersions were few in proportion to the total number of houses. Yet there were disquieting signs. Some abbeys, often with papal approval, defined a quota of monks which must not be exceeded-a financial precaution rare before 1200. New foundations aimed at a low admissions target: when Hayles Abbey in Gloucestershire was opened in 1251 its founder, Richard of Cornwall, told the chronicler Matthew Paris that he had spent 10,000 marks on building the church, yet the abbey had only twenty monks. 21 The unit cost of a monk was very high. We can also observe the closure of an important source of recruits. In 1221 Stephen of Lexington left the schools at Oxford and went with several companions to the Cistercian abbey of Quarr on the Isle of Wight. He was a distinguished capture, who was to become abbot of Citeaux, but he was one of the last of the great scholars attracted by the order. From then onward they took to joining the friars. In 1150there had been a Cistercian pope, Eugenius III, and a roll-call of scholars and politicians would have to include Bernard of Clairvaux, Otto of Freising, Arnold of Brescia, Anselm of Havelberg, Suger of SaintDenis, Aelred of Rievaulx, Gilbert Foliot, Henry of Blois, Peter the Venerable and many others from the monks and regular canons. In 1250 it is hard to think of any contribution of similar quality in any field other than the writing of history. The divorce between monasteries and universities was expressed in Robert Grossesteste's warning to the friars to persist with their studies, otherwise 'it will surely happen to us as it has to other religious, whom we see (alas) walking in the shadows of ignorance'. 22 Stephen of Lexington attempted to remedy this state of affairs by founding the college of St Bernard at Paris in 1246 and other orders soon followed his precedent, but the basic structure of monastic life inhibited commitment to universities, popular ministry or even involvement in political affairs -- concerns to which the flexible organization of the mendicants was admirably suited.

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21 Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, ed. H. R. Luard (RS 1880) v. 262.
22 Thomas of Eccleston, De adventu xv, ed. A. C. Little ( Manchester, 1951), 91.

Many abbeys were in debt, often to a very serious extent. In 1196 St Bénigne at Dijon borrowed 1,700 livres from a Jewish usurer, and by 1207 the debt amounted to 9, 825 livres and had to be paid as an act of charity by the countess of Champagne. By 1255, according to Matthew Paris, Christchurch Canterbury was more than 4,000 marks in debt. 23 Perhaps we should not attach too much importance to this, because for medieval monasteries as for modern football clubs indebtedness was a way of life, and their underlying endowments were large. Nevertheless the administration of many houses inhibited by its extreme fragmentation the wise use of resources. The abbot had sole control of a great part of the estates, and there was no proper check on his use of the revenues. The complication of Benedictine landholding required managerial skills far beyond many abbots. Jocelin of Brakelond provides a description of Bury St Edmunds under Abbot Hugh, who let the finances fall into such a state that Jewish money-lenders were dunning the monks for repayment. 24 Some abbots employed the income for the benefit of their relations: in 1256 it was reported that the abbot of Mont St Michel had given dowries to several nieces, maintained a nephew at university, and bought him a handsome book of canon law. 25 In addition each major officer or obedientiary had his own estates from which he derived the income with only a minimum of co-ordination. In the late twelfth century this inept administration faced changing circumstances. In the agrarian economy production was increasingly directed to the market for cash profits, while prices began to rise. This posed acute problems for authorities whose income came from rents, and black-monk abbeys were poorly placed to secure direct control of their estates. In the long run they could hope for some spin-off from the rising profitability of agriculture, but it came to them too slowly and late to counter the effects of price inflation. The exception to this picture was England, where monasteries were able to recover direct control over their estates, and Winchester Cathedral priory, Peterborough, and Christchurch Canterbury became improving landowners on a large scale. There was also a contrast between the position of the Benedictines and Cistercians, whose direct exploitation of their estates under the administration of conversi enabled them to take advantage of the new economic opportunities. Gerald of Wales remarked that the Cluniacs would create want out of

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23 Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, v. 502.
24 H. E. Butler (ed.), The Chronicle of Jocelin of Brakelond ( Edinburgh, 1949), 3-4.
25 Register of Eudes of Rouen, tr. S. M. Brown ( New York and London, 1964), 274.

plenty, while the Cistercians could bring wealth out of a wilderness. 26

It is disconcerting to find, nevertheless, that Cistercian abbeys were also caught in the toils of indebtedness. This suggests that poor administration and a changing economy were not the whole story. One difficulty which all monasteries faced was the pressure of lay government. Increasingly in the thirteenth century they were subject to taxation, and individual houses were threatened by many kinds of oppression. Hirsau, once the standard-bearer of the Gregorian cause in southern Germany, was obliged to surrender much of its land to the emperor in 1215 and accepted him as its advocate in 1225, and at Monte Cassino the monks were driven out in 1239 so that Frederick II could fortify its strategic site. Perhaps the most important element in increasing indebtedness was greater display and luxury. Abbots kept magnificent households, whose cost was a great burden on monastic finances. The monks expected more comfort in line with the assumptions of a more luxurious age: private rooms, wainscotting, cubicles in the cloister, financial allowances (the peculium ), and facilities for meat-eating and conversation all made for a relaxed life and greater expenditure. Building continued to demand large sums, sometimes with much outside help (as in Henry III's rebuilding at Westminster), sometimes required by the collapse of the fabric (the great tower at Saint-Denis) and sometimes by the growing ambitions of the abbey itself (east end at Rievaulx). By 1250 the abbeys had travelled a long way down the road towards becoming hugely expensive institutions, which could only gain a sort of financial stability by severe restrictions upon the numbers of their monks.

The process of decay was opposed by the reforming programme promoted by Innocent III. The Fourth Lateran Council required the holding of triennial chapters in each kingdom or province, initially with the advice of Cistercian abbots, who were accustomed to the system. The chapters were to appoint visitors to supervise the houses, and the popes encouraged visitation, both by their own legates and diocesan bishops. 27 The popes pressed upon abbeys the need for regular audits and the appointment of single treasurers to receive all the income of the house. Instructions issued by papal legates were designed to bring the abbot back into the community

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26 Gerald, Itinerarium Kambriae i.3 ( Opera, ed. J. F. Dimock, RS 1868, vi. 45). For the Cistercian economy see ch. 10. ii and iii above.
27 Fourth Lateran can. 12 ( Alberigo216-17).

and to require the consent of the chapter for land-grants. In Italy in particular, decayed monasteries were transferred to other communities, notably the Cistercians and the Florensians. Transfers of this sort, unknown in England, were a common feature of the Italian scene. The reforming programme was embodied in statutes formulated by Gregory IX in 1235 and 1237, and it had some limited effect. General chapters continued in existence in some countries in spite of opposition and absenteeism, and diocesan visitation of monasteries had become general by the second half of the century. Better financial methods were adopted, and some highly un-Benedictine practices such as the peculium were held in check. The fight for an effective monastic order was thus still in progress in 1250, but there were reasons for pessimism. Innocent IV granted exemptions from Gregory's statutes in order to secure financial and political support against Frederick II, and behind that setback lay a more fundamental difficulty: black-monk houses were not really susceptible to control by the machinery provided by the papal initiative. The new chapters were a shadow of those of the white monks, for they did not have the same power to legislate and visit; and the great exempt houses behaved as if they were answerable to no one. Moreover no system of organization could meet the fact that the stream of piety was flowing into new channels. The battle for a restored monasticism had not been lost by 1250, but it was going to be.

The cathedral chapters were richer and more influential than most monasteries, and with them must be counted the highly endowed collegiate churches which were numerous throughout western Europe. 28 By this time the constitution of cathedrals displayed every conceivable combination between the living of the common life and the individual endowment of the canons, but they all showed a steady movement towards private endowment, which proceeded at different speeds in different places. At one extreme were the monastic chapters, which lived a fully communal life, at least in the modified form which was fashionable in contemporary monasticism. In England almost half the cathedrals were monastic, but elsewhere this was rare. Monreale, founded in 1183 near Palermo, was Benedictine, and some of the cathedrals of eastern Germany were Premonstratensian. The opposite type of secular foundation is well represented by Salisbury, Lincoln, and York, but the sole survivor of their early constitution, the statutes of Bishop Osmund

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28 For the development of communities of canons in the twelfth century, see ch. 10. ii above.

at Salisbury, is probably a compilation based on the usage there in the second half of the twelfth century, and there is no solid reason to suppose that the separate residences and endowments (or 'prebends') went back, as is sometimes thought, to 1091-2. Most cathedrals followed a path between common life and individual prebends. At Exeter, where Bishop Leofric had founded a community in 1051 based on the common life, even the dean and chancellor only received separate prebends in 1225. At Chartres the property of the church was finally assigned as prebends in 1171, but there were regular redistributions in order to keep the salaries roughly equal; and at Cologne and Bamberg the canons of the cathedral were still using the common refectory in the late twelfth century. Once prebends were allotted, some non-residence was inevitable, because the canon had to attend to the parish church and property from which he drew his income; and with the growth in the scale of endowments this pressure became irresistible. The property of cathedral chapters expanded quickly, partly because of their success in establishing a claim to a share of the bishops' estates: in 1179, when Bishop Manasses of Langres received a grant of the county there, he gave one-third of the revenue to his chapter, and German chapters were particularly successful in the drive to turn themselves into great landowners. Some canonries were enormously valuable: the highest in England was Masham Vetus ( York), taxed at 250 marks a year. An appointment of this kind, especially as it was not held to involve the cure of souls, would attract any royal or papal clerk, and canonries were the earliest and most obvious objective for papal provisions. It came to be accepted that a canon could opt whether to be resident or non-resident. Sometimes (as at Exeter and Hereford) prebends were not large enough without a share in the common fund reserved for residentiaries and thus obliged most of the canons to reside, but in the thirteenth century it was more typical for the residentiaries to be only half the total body.

At the same time the importance of the cathedral chapters was growing in the administration of the diocese. Apart from their own jurisdiction they were being recognized as providing a council for the bishop. Alexander III wrote to the patriarch of Jerusalem in 1168 that 'as you and your brothers are one body, so you are regarded as the head and they as the members. Therefore it is not proper for you to ignore the members and employ the advice of others in the business of your church'. 29 What this meant varied in practice, for the rights of the chapter were defined in imprecise terms such as advice, consent, and subscription. When under Frederick Barbarossa the imperial consent was required, the part of the canons was nominal; but their importance was growing rapidly. By the early thirteenth century they were recognized as the sole electors of the bishop, and chapters successfully claimed the power to administer spiritual affairs during a vacancy in the see. They began to assume that they were the church, of which the bishop was the proctor or representative, and they began to demand concessions from candidates before electing them to the bishopric. Such 'electoral capitulations' were contrary to canon law, but in Germany they became common and elaborate. The main sequence began at Verdun in 1209 and continued with Hildesheim in 1216, Würzburg in 1225, Mainz in 1233, Worms in 1234, and Paderborn in 1247. Powerful chapters also began to restrict their recruitment to members of exclusively noble descent. It is true that such men might be qualified in theology or law, but the effect was to close the upper reaches of the German church as a career open to the talented.

This growth in wealth and power made the cathedrals the target for papal provisions. They were not the only one, for provisions might also be issued for parishes with cure of souls, but as Maitland rightly declared, 'canonries were the staple commodity of the papal market'. 30 Interference in appointments in other churches was, among the powers exercised by the thirteenth-century papacy, the one which had the least basis in custom. The first case on record is a request by Innocent II in 1137 for the archbishop of Compostella to confer a benefice on a clerk named Arias, and the practice developed quickly. We know of four instances under Eugenius III ( 1146-53), including a request in support of the theologian Peter Lombard, and a year or two later the practice was so common that it appears regularly in the correspondence of Provost Ulric of Steinfeld in Germany and of the royal chancellor, Hugh of Champfleury, in France. 31 Under Alexander III papal nomination or provision was a frequent method of appointment, and the number continued to grow until the floodgates really opened under Innocent IV (1243-54). We

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29 Greg. IX, Decretals, III. 10.4 (502).
30 F. W. Maitland, Roman Canon Law in the Church of England ( London, 1898), 67 n.
31 For references see H. Baler, Päpstliche Provisionen (Münster, 1905), 6-8.

can only outline the rising numbers vaguely, but it is significant that the registers of Innocent III mention twenty-five mandates of provision by his predecessor Celestine III, probably only a minute proportion of those issued. By the death of Innocent IVit was recognized that the situation was out of control. Cathedrals had providees queueing up for canonries, as at Acre, where there were ten clergy with mandates and no vacancies, and providees were employing agents to listen for news of dead men's shoes. In 1255 Alexander IV had to try to restore order by revoking existing mandates in his constitution Execrabilis. The rising tide of protest confirms the impression of increasing numbers. For a long time the only opposition was the simple failure of the bishop or other patron to act upon the mandate, but in 1232 there was an angry movement in England protesting against the grant of benefices to foreign clergy and against papal taxation generally. In Matthew Paris's chronicle provisions had become a major grievance; Bishop Robert Grosseteste complained angrily about the provision of unsuitable candidates, especially those who plainly had no intention of residing, and took his opposition to extremes: he presented a searing memorandum to the pope and cardinals in 1250 and refused to accept a mandate in favour of the nephew of the pope himself.

Paradoxically the Roman Church was rarely able to appoint to a specific benefice, for the simple reason that it did not know that there was a vacancy until the local patrons had had ample time to fill it. The first letters were therefore general requests to provide a clerk with a benefice, but they became more specific through the grant of an 'expectancy' or 'expectative' which gave a claim to the first vacant canonry in a named church and often a pension to sweeten the time of waiting. Contemporaries found this a distasteful practice, because it created a vested interest in another person's death, and it was prohibited by a decree of the Third Lateran Council in 1179. 32 The effect of this was to make expectatives in law a papal monopoly, since only the pope could dispense from the decree. A further device was reservation, the declaration, that a benefice should not be bestowed until the pope had been consulted. The first reservation of which we know dates from the beginning of Innocent III's pontificate, but the full development falls after our period with the appearance of the 'general reservation', which required a whole class of benefices to be left vacant for papal decision. It is likely that the

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32 Third Lateran can. 8 ( Alberigo 191).

main impetus behind the development of provisions was the pressure of petitioners rather than a deliberate policy of expanding papal influence, and we can discern four main classes of beneficiaries. The first consisted of those with a training in the schools: it is no accident that Peter Lombard is one of the first names we encounter. Then there were officials of the papal curia, whose needs were openly recognized by Hadrian IV: 'we ought to reward such persons with ecclesiastical benefices when we conveniently can'. 33 Clerks in royal service figured among the beneficiaries of provisions from an early stage, for the pope was thus enabled to gratify influential men at somebody else's expense. Finally, even clergy who were seeking preferment within their own diocese began to see provision as a more direct and expeditious way of obtaining it.

The first letters of provision were requests, or something between a request and a mandate expressed in such phrases as rogando mandamus. Even before 1160 if the bishop ignored the request the pope applied pressure, and by the thirteenth century popes were beginning to appoint 'monitors' and 'executors' to enforce them. Innocent IV issued such additional letters at the same time as the provision, thus completing the system in its later form. Geoffrey Barraclough has insisted that the mandate of provision was never a purely administrative act but was simply an instruction to collate which could be resisted on legal grounds such as the unsuitability of the nominee. This is an important point, and is quite correct in law. On the other hand, provisions explicitly rested on the right of the apostolic see, by virtue of its fullness of power, to dispose of any ecclesiastical office. A papal dispensation could free the candidate from many of the objections which could be urged against him, such as non-residence, plurality of benefices, or being under age, and thus leave the local church with no legal grounds to resist a provision which was clearly a pastoral abuse. The system was a response to a new situation in which able clergy were entering the universities and government service in church and state. It was natural for them to look for preferment to international authority, and the Roman Church performed a valuable function in meeting this need. All systems are open to abuse, but provisions perhaps more than most, for careerists were able to use them to create large incomes from local benefices whose functions they had no intention of performing.

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33 Cited Baier, Päpstliche Provisionen 8.

Chapter 22
THE ROMAN CHURCH AND THE LAY POWER IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY

i. Papacy, Kingdoms, and City States

It is often said that the thirteenth century saw the rise of the nation state. At first sight this may seem a paradox, since national sovereignty was inhibited by the claims to universal jurisdiction made by both empire and papacy. Frederick II asserted that God 'has set us above kings and kingdoms', and the canonist Johannes Teutonicus held that 'the emperor is above all kings . . . and all nations are under him'. 1 Such views, however, had little impact outside the territories of the empire, and the teaching of Innocent III's decretal Per venerabilem that the king of France 'acknowledges no superior in temporal affairs' was incorporated into canon law. 2 The international authority of the Roman Church posed a more complex question and its significance will be considered further in this chapter. We must not in any event concentrate too much on the nation states. The process of their formation was still in its early stages in 1250 and was in progress only in parts of the west. In Germany, Italy, and Poland the opposite was happening: power was being devolved from the centre to princes, communes, and duchies. These governments, however constituted, were functioning within a political system which had changed with the enormous conquests by the French Crown in the old Angevin lands and the southern provinces, which had made the Capetians the leading national monarchy. The decisive period was a short one, because the battles of Las Navas de Tolosa, Muret, and Bouvines between. 1212 and 1214 marked the overthrow of the old order and the creation of the balance of power characteristic of the new century.

The first change which can be observed in European government

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1 MGH Legurn iv Const ii, no. 197, p. 263; Johannes Teutonicus, Gloss (1275/120) cited Gaines Post, Studies in Medieval Legal Thought ( Princeton, 1964), 457.
2 Greg. IX, Decretals, IV.17.13 (715).

(ecclesiastical as well as secular) was a great increase in activity. The availability of lawyers and secretaries trained in the universities made it possible to regulate the life of the community in greater detail through the development of legislation and lawbooks, including Frederick II's lawcodes in Sicily, the works of Glanvil and Bracton in England, the ordinances of Louis IX in France, and the huge development of the civil law and the compilation of the Decretals authorized by Gregory IX. Another area of government initiative was taxation. Governments were requiring from their subjects not only the traditional feudal dues, but levies based on a proportion of the value of their movable wealth or income. The issue of secular taxation of the church was initially faced at the Third Lateran Council of 1179 as a result of levies made by city governments in Italy. Such charges were wholly forbidden 'unless the bishop and clergy observe that there is such necessity and utility that, to relieve the common necessities, where the resources of laymen are not sufficient they consider without coercion that subsidies should be granted by the churches'. 3

Whereas in the past jurisdiction had belonged to a number of different owners whose interests were defined by custom, there was now a marked tendency to see all significant rights as vested in a single authority. For the civil lawyer this was embodied in the principle 'the will of the prince has the force of law', a tag much quoted in the thirteenth century. 4 It did not work only to the benefit of the emperor. At Milan and in other Italian cities it was claimed that all imperial rights had been transferred at the Treaty of Constance in 1183, and in Germany Frederick II issued a series of concessions. The Privilege in favour of the Ecclesiastical Princes ( April 1220) and the Constitution in favour of the Princes ( January 1231, confirmed 1232) transferred to the princely territories almost all the powers of government. In the western kingdoms general supremacy came to be vested in the Crown. Bracton wrote that the king 'should have no equal, let alone a superior', and in France by 1283 Beaumanoir could describe the king as souverains because he had 'the general guard of all his kingdom'. 5 The sovereignty which was thus

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3 Third Lateran can. 19 (Alberigo 197) = Greg. IX, Decretals, III.49.4 (654-5); Fourth Lateran can.46 (231) = Greg. IX, Decretals, III.49.7 (656). The latter canon included the significant gloss, 'because of the imprudence of some people, they shall first consult the Roman pontiff, whose business it is to provide for the common good'.
4 Digesta 1.4.1, ed. Th. Mommsen ( Berlin, 1962), 14.
5 Bracton, De legibus Angliae, III.9.3, ed. T. Twiss, RS 70, Vol. 2, p. 172; Beaumanoir, Coutumes de Beauvaisis, ed. A. Salmon( Paris, 1899- 1900), xxxiv. 1043.

emerging was normally not absolutist. Medieval societies were complex, including within themselves organizations accustomed to local liberty. Barons, townsmen, and corporations of clergy did not think of themselves as equal before the law but as groups with guaranteed privileges. Hence there arose the paradox that a time of growing government was also a time of growing consultation. Brian Tierney has stressed the unusual character of these corporate states or Ständestaaten in the perspective of world history. Society was moving in the direction of the idea formulated by Marsilius of Padua: 'royal monarchy is a temperate government in which the ruler is a single man deferring to the common good and to the will or consent of his subjects'. 6 This qualified character of royal authority is shown in the stress on the special duty of the ruler to provide for the common defence of the realm in times of peril, as if his powers were designed for emergencies rather than for normal circumstances. 'Urgent necessity' was accepted by the church as grounds for the taxation of the clergy. Rulers also needed the consent of subjects for taxation, legislation, and other measures. The most famous guarantee of this was the issue by John of England of Magna Carta in 1215, which in its original form required that taxation should be approved by the 'common counsel of the realm'. In Hungary the Golden Bull of 1222 by Andrew II contained even larger guarantees of the privileges of the magnates, while Duke Wladislaw of Great Poland in a charter of 1228 conceded 'just and noble laws according to the counsel of the bishop and barons'. In 1231 an edict of King Henry (VII) obliged German princes making new laws for their territories to have the consent of 'the better and greater of the land'. Consent was a mark of the new style of government.

Bishops and barons could be consulted personally, but communities such as cities, cathedrals, or monasteries required a system of representation. Mandates summoning representatives rarely survive from before 1250, but experiments were certainly being made. There had been a few instances in the twelfth century of assemblies including members from the towns, notably at Frederick I's Diet of Roncaglia in 1158, but a new period opened when the Roman-law concept of the 'proctor' was adapted to the practice of representation. In Roman law, the proctor belonged essentially to civil litigation, for he was the nominee empowered to act for the principal in a suit. The office was adopted in church courts as a way of speeding up business

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6 Marsilius, Defensor Pacis, ed. R. Scholz, MGH Fontes, 38.

and was expected to be given full power ( plena potestas ) to bind his principal. In constitutional terms the important innovation was to use the same idea for the appointment of representatives in public business. Gaines Post suggested that Innocent III was largely responsible for this step. In 1200 he summoned proctors with full power from six cities in the march of Ancona to meet with his curia, and in 1207 he met city representatives from the Papal State generally. In 1214 the council of Lerida, over which one of his legates presided, was perhaps the first Spanish assembly to include proctors from the cities and in 1215 the Lateran Council was attended by representatives of cathedral chapters and monasteries. After Innocent's death the Dominicans rapidly developed their distinctive system of representation, and in 1231 Frederick II was the first secular ruler to summon representatives with full power from the cities. Meanwhile the pressure for both papal and royal taxation was beginning to lead to clerical assemblies which met for financial business and included proctors of cathedral chapters and other clergy.

The movement was away from directly personal lordship and towards institutional government. The word state ( status ) was still not normally used in the modern sense, although it does occur about 1228. 7 The main terms were civitas in Italy and regnum, which was coming to be used for the territorial kingdom in its later sense. National identities were strengthening with a standardization in the forms of language. The troubadours wrote a fairly consistent version of langue d'oc, and the dialect of the Paris region was coming to be regarded as correct French. Histories and laws began to appear in the vernacular, which was now uniform enough to be widely understood. Villehardouin's Conquest of Constantinople, Frederick II's Landpeace of Mainz in 1235, and the works of Alfonso the Wise of Castile are milestones in the emergence of national cultures. The growth of these new political entities has been seen as a reaction to ecclesiastical claims: 'the Gregorian concept of the church almost demanded the invention of the concept of the state.' 8 This is at best a half-truth. The development of the state was primarily a response to changing social, economic, and educational conditions. The new states were not secular organizations in any obvious sense of the

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7 Accursius, gloss Ad Digest. 1. 1. 1. 2, cited B. Tierney in Comparative Studies in Society and History 5 ( 1962-3), 386 n.
8 J. R. Strayer, On the Medieval Origins of the Modern State ( Princeton, 1970), 22. For the custom of royal healing, see F. Barlow, "The King's Evil", EHR 95 ( 1980), 3-27.

word, and thirteenth-century rulers had no doubt that their authority came from God. Frederick II went further than his predecessors in claiming a divine purpose for his government and the Capetians rejoiced to be anointed with chrism which had, it was said, been brought from heaven. Although there had been a few scattered precedents for the custom of royal healing of scrofula by touch, it is probable that it became an established custom in France and England in the course of the thirteenth century. Nor were rulers careful to avoid involvement in ecclesiastical affairs. If their direct control had been reduced by concessions, they insisted on their remaining regalian rights and pressed the pope to further their interests and appoint their nominees.

The sense that the ruler was not only a personal lord, but the head of a society, was expressed in the Roman-law theory that the prince had initially derived his power by delegation from the people. The developed awareness of community created problems for the clergy, who in the twelfth century had secured large exemptions from royal jurisdiction. In matters of taxation and justice it was hard to see them as part of the same society. In the Lombard cities the administration was largely in lay hands, and measures were sometimes taken to exclude the clergy from power and to invade their privileges. In northern Europe the process was slower, because there was not the same tradition of lay education, but things were moving in the same direction. By the middle of the century many civil servants in France and England were laymen, and others were only technically clergy and were inclined to marry and to return to the lay state. More than in the past, the clergy appeared as a privileged group within a society governed predominantly by laymen. Hence there arose a current of popular criticism against the hierarchy, which remained strong throughout the thirteenth century. The love of apostolic poverty, the dissatisfaction of radical Franciscans and the eschatological speculation of the time made it possible to construct a fierce polemic against the papal curia. Whereas the popes of the eleventh century had been champions of a new order, it was possible now for Frederick II to present himself as God's agent in purging the church and restoring it to apostolic simplicity. Troubadours such as Peire Cardenal and Guilhem Figueira wrote searing attacks on the papacy. Figueira's D'un sirventes far has already been quoted for its attacks on the misuse of crusading. It also attacked the pretensions of the clergy to political power:

Tant voletz aver --- You want so much to be
del mon la senhoria. . . 9 --- the lords of all the world . . .

In the more sober circles around Louis IX it was the practice to contrast life at the royal court with the corruption of the papacy. On the whole governments steered clear of heresy, even if they exacted a price for assisting in its repression, but there are some contrary examples: the followers of Amaury of Béne may have enjoyed protection inside the Capetian court, and there was a significant Catharist presence in the cities of north Italy, where the aggressive attitude of some communes towards the clergy may reflect sympathy with heresy. A searing sermon of James of Vitry accused communes of subverting ecclesiastical liberty and protecting heretics. 10

Two coherent jurisdictions, temporal and spiritual, now confronted one another. The picture at the beginning of our period had been one of franchises and rights which depended more on custom than on a consistent theory. Such franchises often survived into the thirteenth century, but they came to exist within a pattern of law which reached into everyday life. As the settlers had cleared the forests, so the' lawyers had brought definition to ordinary affairs. Marriage and will-making were subject to detailed regulations, property was taxed and its conditions of tenure defined. The fact that this extension of law-making was being carried out by not one, but two, sets of judges, tribunals, officers, and legislators carried with it the risk of enormous confusion: but before we examine the conflict of laws it is necessary to look briefly at the men who were at the head of secular government.

France and England, the two greatest western kingdoms, were held by two men who succeeded in boyhood and remained king for many years, Louis IX ( 1226-70) and Henry III ( 1216-72). Louis' character is not easy to read with confidence. We have personal reminiscences of him, especially the biography by Joinville, but they were mainly composed after his canonization in 1297 and under the influence of a reputation for sanctity. The indications are that he changed considerably after his absence on crusade from 1248 to 1254 and became more given to lengthy personal devotions and readier to accept the guidance of the friars and to further the political schemes of the papacy. Before the crusade he had been heavily influenced by his mother, Blanche of Castile, and continued the style of government she adopted during the minority. Louis was a conscientiously Christian king. He was an upholder of the church against heresy, and the generosity of his donations contrasted with the parsimonious ways of his grandfather Philip Augustus. The royal accounts survive only in a fragmentary form, but it appears that grants to churches consumed over a quarter of the expenditure in the summer of 1248, as compared with only one-fifteenth in 1202-3. His building projects included the Cistercian abbey of Royaumont, founded in 1228 as a memorial to Louis VIII and dedicated in 1236; the Sainte-Chapelle at Paris, designed to house the crown of thorns acquired from Constantinople in 1239; and the reconstruction of Saint-Denis (about 1237-54), accompanied by the design of new tombs for Louis's predecessors. These buildings were magnificent statements of the splendour of the Capetian house and its devotion to God. All of this did not make Louis subservient to the papacy. He defended the rights of the crown in spiritual as well as secular matters. He stands in a long tradition of Christian kings, convinced of their responsibility for the church in their realms. Henry III of England, his contemporary and close relative by marriage, shared many of Louis's assumptions and was influenced by him: the rebuilding of Westminster abbey which he began in July 1245 followed the projects at Saint-Denis and the Sainte-Chapelle and was conceived in a French architectural style. Henry, however, was much less able to dominate his baronage, among whom a pattern of constitutional opposition was emerging, and was heavily dependent on papal support. This had been invaluable during the minority, when the legates Gualo and Pandulf had helped to establish his position in face of French invasion, and thereafter Henry regarded the pope as an ally and was inclined to leave the barons and bishops unsupported in their complaints about papal exactions.

The collisions between the jurisdiction of church and state were limited by flexibility on both sides. The secular authorities were willing to concede a good deal to canon law: almost everywhere matrimonial and testamentary litigation was left to church courts in spite of the property issues which might be involved. It is true that in Lombardy marriage could be registered before a public notary and the civic authorities were inclined to assert an interest, and in England the barons at Merton in 1236 refused to adopt the canonical rule that bastards were legitimized by subsequent marriage: 'we do not want to change the laws of England'. 11 Yet these were the exceptions to a general willingness to recognize the church's jurisdiction. Another example of flexibility was the application of the rules governing criminous clerks. Alexander III's decretal Et si clerici had made this a matter for the bishop's court, and this ruling was accepted in England under the impact of Becket's murder. In France a royal ordinance of 1205 maintained the old practice under which the bishop would hand over guilty clergy for punishment by the secular arm, and this custom was accepted in part by Innocent III's decretal Novimus in 1209. Thereafter France adopted the practice of Et si clerici, as contained in a canon of the council of Château Gontier in 1231. 12 The eventual French practice interpreted clerical privilege more generously than did canon law.

Similarly the hierarchy did not expect to secure the full acceptance of its juridical claims. As Innocent III put it, 'many things are tolerated out of patience, which if they were brought to judgement should not be tolerated within the demands of justice'. 13 Litigation over patronage or advowson was a matter for the royal courts in England from the Constitutions of Clarendon onward, and they increasingly insisted that suits between clergy on secular matters should be heard before them. The expansion of ecclesiastical justice brought with it the issue of more sentences of excommunication, the effectiveness of which depended on the support of the lay power. Some governments were prepared to give unconditional support: in 1220 Frederick's Privilege in favour of the Ecclesiastical Princes promised to enforce such sentences, and in 1229 Blanche of Castile issued the ordinance Cupientes to support the prosecution of heretics in the southern provinces. But elsewhere Blanche and Louis IX opposed the indiscriminate use of excommunication: Joinville tells us that when Bishop Guy of Auxerre complained that excommunication was being widely disregarded, the king promised to apply sanctions against excommunicates 'provided that he were given full knowledge of the sentence in each case, so that he might judge whether it was just or not'. 14 Obviously, the more novel the claim, the more resistant the lay power tended to be: when Bishop Grosseteste, intent on stepping up the efficiency of visitation, began to demand sworn

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11 Discussed by F. M. Powicke, King Henry III and the Lord Edward ( Oxford, 1947), 150-1.
12 Mansi XXiii.237can.20.
13 Greg. IX, Decretals, III. 5.18 (471).
14 Joinville in M. R. B. Shaw, Chronicles of the Crusades ( Harmondsworth, 1963), 332.

testimony from laymen on a large scale, the king prohibited any such practice.

It was money -- the exploitation of the national churches by papal taxation and provisions -- which caused most trouble. Papal taxation did not have much of a prehistory. 15 The crusading taxes of 1199 and 1215 were followed in England by requests for subsidy issued by Honorius III in 1217 and 1225, both of them however for the assistance of the king. These few levies were succeeded by a heavier burden of taxation under Gregory IX and Innocent IV, and the problem was made worse by the fact that it was designed to support unpopular policies. The tenth of 1228 was to be used in the war against Frederick II, and it may have been matched in 1229 by a request for a subsidy from English laymen. The subsidy proposed for the eastern empire in 1238 was followed by another against Frederick II in 1239, and the papal-imperial conflict led to a fresh bout of demands in France and England in 1244-5. The clergy had reason to think they were faced with an unprecedented pressure, and this was strengthened by other forms of papal exaction. Innocent III had secured an annual tribute of 1,000 marks from England in 1213, and it continued to be paid by Henry III. He had also tried in 1205-7 and 1214 to secure the full proceeds of Peter's Pence in place of the sum of 300 marks which had become conventional. In 1225 Honorius III made a large proposal to the western churches generally: he offered to abolish all charges at the Roman curia and offer a free service in return for a grant of a prebend in every cathedral church, a fixed income from monasteries and collegiate churches, and perpetual gifts from the bishops. It was the most ambitious of the series of attempts to relieve by agreement the chronic underfunding of the Roman Church, but it was rejected by the French clergy at Bourges in November 1225 and the English at London in May 1226.

The growth of papal intervention was not necessarily in conflict with the interests of, the Crown. Henry III was so dependent on papal support that he is said to have remarked in 1239, 'I neither will nor dare to oppose the lord pope in anything', and in France Louis was able to use the papal influence in episcopal appointments as a convenient way of advancing his own nominees. 16 The unpopularity

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15 For twelfth-century requests for subsidies see eh. 9.ii above. Presumably 1217 and 1225 were the application of the Fourth Lateran decision that papal consent was required for a clerical subsidy to the lay power.
16 Henry's remark is recorded in Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, RS, iv.10.

of papal demands after 1238 had the effect of focusing national resentments against taxation and provisions. Matthew Paris, the great chronicler of St Albans, was an exemplar of conservative English attitudes, resentful of anything which took English money to Rome. He collected protests against Roman exactions, including a forceful memorandum by the rectors of Berkshire in 1240 in opposition to a proposed tax against the emperor. Secular weapons, they argued, may only be used against heretics; the Roman Church has its own patrimony and other churches have theirs, by the gift of kings and princes, in no way tributary to Rome; the churches belong to the care of the pope, not to his dominion and ownership. 17 Bishop Grosseteste, while he deplored many papal decisions, felt constrained to obey them, whereas the rectors simply dismissed papal demands upon their income as ultra vires. The spirit of the French opposition is contained in the protest made to the pope on behalf of Louis IX in 1247. It was an angry statement, objecting at length to both provisions and taxation. Innocent IV was rebuked for destroying the happy relations which had existed between the papacy and France, and it was argued that the endowments of the churches were the gift of kings and princes, at whose disposal they are in case of need. 18 Our period ended with serious tensions between the papacy and the western kingdoms, which foretold the conflicts of the last years of the century.

ii. Frederick II

There are striking similarities between the three major secular rulers in thirteenth-century Europe. All ascended the throne as minors, partly under the protection of papal legates, and reigned for many years. All were concerned with the reconstruction of government in their kingdoms. Two of them, however, Louis IX and Henry III, had the reputation of being devout members of the church, whereas Frederick II came to be regarded as its enemy. The contrast is the more remarkable in that there were obvious common interests between pope and emperor: Frederick's candidature to the empire had been promoted by Innocent III, and the Roman Church was anxious to have imperial support against heresy and in the defence of the Holy Land. The bitter quarrels which took place between

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17 C&S ii .288-92.
18 Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, RS, vi. 99-112.

Frederick and the papacy were not the result of some inevitable law of nature. Some historians have found the cause of dispute in the originality of Frederick as a thinker and statesman. He has been perceived as the first modern man, a sceptic in religion and the designer of an absolutist state which left only a secondary place for the spiritual power. The brilliant and eccentric book by Ernst Kantorowicz presented Frederick as a man 'who had taken on himself a new mission'. 19 Sober assessment is made difficult by the exaggerated rhetoric of Frederick's contemporaries. Gregory IX had put a Dominican, James Buoncambio, in charge of his chancery and the former sober language was replaced by flaming encyclicals which bore the marks of mendicant enthusiasm. Innocent IV's chancery followed a more moderate style, but wild accusations were still current, especially in the circle of Cardinal Rainer of Viterbo. This group may have been the source of the pamphlet Eger cui lenia (end of 1245), an extreme statement of papal claims which was put into the mouth of Innocent IV. Meanwhile the imperial chancery under Peter della Vigna wrote cautiously in reply to these criticisms, but also on occasions employed a full-blown rhetoric developed at Bologna and imported new ideas into the presentation of the imperial office. The problem of distinguishing propaganda and reality is acute.

One famous accusation, that Frederick had denied the Christian faith, was always tentative. Gregory IX's letter of excommunication on 20 May 1239 merely indicated that action on such charges was being considered. On 12 July the pope wrote that Frederick had said the world had been deceived by three impostors, Christ, Moses, and Mahomet, and also that only fools believe in the virgin birth. Frederick at once denied having said anything of the sort, and the charge was not repeated by Innocent IV. Innocent's sentence of 12 July 1245 included heresy among the reasons for deposing the emperor, but claimed no more than solid grounds for suspicion, and the details he gave had little force. It is true that Frederick, more than most princes of the time, was interested in scientific and astrological learning, and that he sponsored translations from Arabic, including the work of Averroës. There is, however, no sign that he drew from them a system of sceptical beliefs, or that his own personal convictions were any different from conventional catholics of his day. His anti-heretical legislation, which was more severe than that

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19 E. Kantorowicz, Frederick II ( NY, 1931), 607. The phrase is used here to describe a new phase in Frederick's policy, but Kantorowicz also stressed the consistency of the whole.

of other rulers, and his repeated offers to prove the orthodoxy of his belief, can be taken at face value.

This does not dispose of the possibility that the emperor, while his personal faith was conventional, had as his objective the realization of a new political ideal. New concepts were certainly exploited in the implementation of Frederick's programme. The Liber Augustalis of 1231 was designed to provide a coherent body of law which would unite the diverse customs within the kingdom of Sicily. He presented himself as legislating as emperor within the Regno -- a marked change in the traditional position. Although the collection contained references to existing custom and to statutes of his predecessors, the greater part consisted of new edicts by the ' Augustus' himself, and he drew freely on the civil law expounded at Bologna. The book is a much more coherent piece of political philosophy than Bracton. The Roman law provided Frederick's advisers with new methods of glorifying the imperial office, including the idea that it existed to serve the cult of justice -- a theme which deepened the ethical and religious content of secular government and which was worked out in the design of the monumental bridge-gate begun at Capua in 1234. Moreover in the current atmosphere of eschatological expectation Frederick was presented as the recipient of Biblical promises and the appointed deliverer of the Holy Land. These ideas first clearly surfaced in the address at the crown-wearing at Jerusalem and were actively promoted after his return to Italy in 1229. The claim that he desired to restore the church to apostolic simplicity won the sympathy of some groups of mendicants, including Elias of Cortona. We cannot be sure how seriously Frederick took these innovations in the presentation of the imperial office, but it would be a mistake to imagine that he stepped in one stride from the medieval to the modern world. If he was a long way from the world of Frederick Barbarossa, he was equally far from that of Marsilius of Padua, let alone Machiavelli. When he defined the relationship between spiritual and temporal powers, his language was conventional. Papacy and empire, he wrote in 1239, are like sun and moon, so that 'the greater communicates its brightness to the lesser'. 20 He acknowledged, at least under pressure, 'the full power in spiritual affairs granted by the Lord to the bishop of the holy Roman see'. 21

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20 J. L. A. Huillard-Bréholles (ed.), Historia Diplomatica Friderici Secundi ( Paris, 1857), V. 348.
21 MGH Const ii. no. 262, p. 362.

These statements seem to be confirmed by his practice. The Liber Augustalis protected clerical exemption from lay courts and the rights of vacant churches; Sicilian clergy such as Archbishops Berard of Palermo ( 1214-51) and James of Capua ( 1225-40) were among his closest advisers; and he was ready to offer the Roman church generous terms in peace negotiations. His officials knew the canonists and used them to imperial advantage in arguing that the cardinals had an authority co-ordinate with that of the pope. The language of the imperial chancery may have alarmed papal supporters and exacerbated the quarrel, but its origins cannot be found in a design by Frederick to subvert the spiritual power.

The cause of the bitter series of conflicts appears to be not Frederick's advocacy of a new religion or a new state, but the collision between papal and imperial political interests. At the heart of the matter was the union of Sicily and the empire. When Innocent III had decided to support the cause of the young Frederick as emperor, he had attached the condition that he would transfer Sicily to his infant son Henry. Frederick had followed the opposite policy. He attached great importance to the imperial dignity, which he ascribed to 'the creator of all things. . . . through whom we are guided to the summit of empire'. 22 So far from envisaging the separation of kingdom and empire, he looked towards their closer union and legislated in the Regno by imperial authority. His objective was to retain Sicily under his own control and to provide for the succession of his son to the empire. This was achieved in 1220 when the princes accepted Henry (VII) as king of the Romans, or successor, and the fait accompli was reluctantly recognized by Honorius III when he crowned Frederick on 22 November 1220. The early years under papal tutelege had left a scar. While popes congratulated themselves on the protection which the apostolic see had given him as an orphan, Frederick saw things very differently, complaining 'that the church had sent enemies into Apulia in the guise of protectors' and that 'the church had rejected him instead of protecting him as his guardian, and had placed in his father's house a stranger [Otto IV] who was not content with the empire and had aspired to the kingdom as well'. 23 Frederick saw the union of the two

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22 Letter of 10 Feb. 1221, Huillard. Bréholles (ed.), Historia Diplomatica Fridenci Secundi, ii. 123.
23 Letter of Honorius III early May 1226, discussed R. W. and A. J. Carlyle, A History of Medieval Political Theory in the West, v ( Edinburgh, 1928), 236-7 n.

titles as his by divine gift and the Roman Church as a conspirator against this right.

The union of kingdom and empire intensified the conflicts which for thirty years had remained consistent elements in papal-imperial relations. One was the Papal State. Frederick had recognized its territorial integrity, including the duchy of Spoleto and march of Ancona. By and large he was faithful to this assurance until the final split of 1239, when he ordered its occupation, but the situation was always delicate because the Papal State formed a barrier across his communications and was in such disorder that imperial agents were tempted to intervene. A more acute problem was the character of Frederick's administration in the Regno and in particular his alleged invasion of the rights of the churches. There was ample scope for conflict. The position of the papacy as overlord, the need to recover royal rights which had been acquired by bishops and barons during the minority, and the promotion of royal servants in spite of the concession of freedom of election, all generated complaints. The most serious problem, however, was presented by the Lombard cities. Their success against Barbarossa had been followed by a whole generation in which there had been little of an imperial presence in Lombardy. The cities reacted violently to any type of intervention, while Frederick saw them as an unholy combination of heretics and rebels. He himself said that the Lombards were the main reason for his final breach with the papacy in 1239. Initially the cities, with their invasions of clerical privilege and protection of heretics, were not obvious allies of the papacy. The curia may have feared that if the Lombards were subjugated the emperor would turn against the Papal State, but it is hard to find documentary support for this suggestion. A more immediate pressure was the anger of the popes at the deflection of effort from the crusade. In 1226 the emperor's operations in Lombardy threatened to put off once more his much postponed expedition, and in 1236 they prevented him from offering the pope help in the east or at Rome. Honorius and Gregory seem to have had no sympathy for the imperial attempt to recover long-lost rights in Lombardy; when they functioned as arbitrators their whole thrust was to prevent war between Christians and obtain forces for the crusade from both sides.

At first there seemed little reason to suppose that these issues would lead to catastrophic conflict. Innocent III's successor Honorius III was a member of a family of the middle Roman nobility, the Savelli, and had been a highly efficient chamberlain in the curia of Celestine III and the compiler of the Liber Censuum. He has sometimes been presented as a pale and senile shadow of Innocent, but in reality he was probably little older than his predecessor (and therefore in his fifties when he became pope) and he had not been one of the in-group who had advised Innocent and executed his policy. Nevertheless his priorities were much the same, as they were bound to be: the crusade, action against heresy, and the protection of papal territory. The personal union which Frederick had secured between Sicily and the empire in 1220 could not be undone, but the pope at least received an undertaking that his overlordship over Sicily was not in question. Frederick had emerged into international politics as the favourite son of the Roman church, and in spite of difficulties the spirit of co-operation survived for most of the pontificate of Honorius. It was shaken in 1226 when Frederick, having reasserted his authority in Sicily, was actively preparing his crusade, and summoned an imperial Diet to settle affairs before his departure. His choice for a venue, Cremona, one of the most fiercely imperialist of the Lombard cities, was provocative. Milan, the champion of Lombard liberties, felt threatened and secured the renewal of the League. The emperor, who had not expected so violent a reaction, requested the pope's mediation, and a compromise settlement seemed close when Honorius died on 18 March 1227. There had been other signs of tension in his last year: Frederick was levying military service from the Papal State, and a formal complaint from the pope about the mistreatment of the Sicilian church produced, for the first time, a really acrimonious correspondence.

The next day Cardinal Hugolino of Ostia was elected with the title Gregory IX. He was a close relative and associate of Innocent III, and very different from his immediate predecessor. Gregory was a man of ardent spirituality, an early friend of the friars, had formed close contacts in Lombardy as legate there in 1221, and shared to the full the suspicions of the emperor which were developing in the curia. When Frederick, struck down by illness, failed to set out on crusade, Gregory would tolerate no delay and pronounced a sentence of excommunication on 29 September 1227. He refused even to hear the apologies of the emperor's envoys, issued a tendentious encyclical to the Christian world on 10 October, and renewed Honorius's complaint about the Sicilian church. Instead of seeking a settlement Frederick left for the crusade while still excommunicated. This provoked a papal invasion of the Regno at the beginning of 1229. The return of Frederick to Brindisi in June 1229 led to the rapid collapse of the invasion, and after lengthy negotiations peace was concluded at San Germano on 23 July 1230. Frederick, although he was the victor on the field of battle, agreed to guarantee the freedom of the Sicilian church from taxation, secular jurisdiction, and royal intervention in episcopal elections.

There followed some years of normal relations between empire and papacy. In 1234 and 1235 they were even allies. Frederick needed support against the rebellion of his son Henry in Germany and Gregory was hoping for help against the Romans, who had exiled him from the city. There was a friendly meeting at Rieti; the pope proposed a marriage between Frederick and the English royal house; and the emperor advertised his sympathy for mendicant piety by a well publicized visit to the shrine of his relative, St Elizabeth of Hungary, at Marburg. The renewal of the quarrel was the result of Frederick's determination to proceed against the Lombards, who had been Henry's allies. Attempts by the pope to dissuade him were unsuccessful, and on 23 October 1236 Gregory wrote a letter which made unrestrained use of the Donation of Constantine. He argued that the emperor received the power of the sword in his coronation, but that the pope did not surrender the substance of his jurisdiction. The letter has been seen as an attempt 'to shift the ground of the conflict from the Lombard question to the broader issue of world dominion', but it seems to be little more than a transient effort to find a theoretical ground for interference in political affairs. 24 The emphatic defeat of the League at Cortenuova on 27 November 1237 left Milan looking for peace terms, but the emperor's demands were too high, and the failure of the imperial army to capture Brescia gave new heart to the resistance. From the later months of 1238 Gregory was moving towards an open breach, in spite of Frederick's appeals to the cardinals to prevent it. On Palm Sunday, 20 March 1239 the pope excommunicated the emperor for the second time. Most of the charges related to the affairs of the Sicilian church, and the Lombard communes were not even mentioned. The excommunication generated an immediate pamphlet war, with both sides appealing for the support of the European princes, and the mendicants pressed into service as propagandists for the papacy. On the whole public opinion was on Frederick's side. In the winter of 1239-40 much of the Papal

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24 T. C. van Cleve, The Emperor Frederick II of Hohenstaufen ( Oxford, 1972), 396.

State was occupied and put under imperial administrators. Rome itself seemed about to fall, but on 22. February 1240 the aged Gregory staged a grand procession with Rome's most precious relics, the heads of Peter and Paul, and rallied the population. The German princes and Cardinal John Colonna were active in mediating, but Gregory undermined their efforts by summoning a general council to meet at Rome at Easter 1241. The bull which summoned it made clear Gregory's idea of its function, for he spoke of 'the one pastor possessing fullness of power, and the others given the part of solicitude as members in the head'. 25 On 3 May 1241 the Sicilian fleet attacked the convoy carrying bishops to Rome and captured several of them along with two cardinals. On 21 August 1241, unable to leave the unhealthy city in the heat of summer, Gregory IX died.

By this time the cardinals' college was much depleted in number. There were only nine cardinals at Rome, in addition to the two in captivity and John Colonna with the emperor outside. Even this group was divided, and only proceeded to an election when isolated in atrocious conditions by the anti-papal Roman senator -- the first, and one of the most uncomfortable, of the papal conclaves. The new pope, Celestine IV, lived for less than three weeks. Most of the cardinals hastily left Rome, and a long vacancy followed until 25 June 1243, with the election of Cardinal Sinibaldo Fieschi, an outstanding canon lawyer and member of a Genoese family, as Innocent IV. The long negotiations which followed reached agreement on Holy Thursday, 31 March 1244. The emperor agreed to satisfy the Roman Church on every point, including the restoration of the Papal State. Even so the peace broke down at the last moment as a result of a dispute over the terms for papal arbitration in Lombardy and over the timing of Frederick's absolution. There is no reason to think that Innocent was not in earnest in attempting to reach a settlement, but he regarded the emperor's attitude with extreme suspicion. The events of the past few years had deepened the uneasiness of even moderates in the curia, and one group led by Cardinal Rainer of Viterbo was anti-imperial beyond all restraint. Innocent decided that peace was unattainable and on 7 July 1244 he fled from Italy to take refuge at Lyon, an imperial city close to the French frontier.

There followed a state of total war between empire and papacy. A general council of some 150 prelates opened at Lyon on 26 June 1245.

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25 Cited by van Cleve, The Emperor Frederick II, 447 n.

The council proceeded to a definitive sentence of excommunication and deposition. The charges reflected recent events: wilful perjury, violation of the peace, sacrilege by the capture of cardinals, and suspicion of heresy. Innocent was able to shake the fabric of Frederick's power more significantly than his predecessor had done: an anti-king was elected in Germany, substantial parts of Frederick's support there dissolved, and there was an alarming assassination plot among the imperial advisers. The war in Lombardy was still in progress, however, when Frederick died on 13 December 1250. In a sense, it left the papacy victorious, if only by default. The union of Sicily and the empire was in effect dissolved; but even this was only a partial success. The animosity between the popes and the Hohenstaufen had become so deadly that the Roman church could not feel safe while there was a Hohenstaufen state in existence in southern Italy. The attempt to remove the remaining threat bound the popes to a new cycle of political, military and financial effort, and eventually to the acceptance of Capetian protection.

The conflict had arisen, not from any great effort by Frederick to supplant the existing constitution of the church, but from that range of mixed political and religious concerns which is so prominent in the history of the medieval papacy. Frederick must certainly share responsibility for the outbreak of the quarrel. He had united the kingdom and empire in defiance of his own undertaking; his repeated postponement of his crusade was damaging and exasperating: he may (the matter is not clear) have given grounds for offence by his exploitation of the Sicilian church; above all, his operations against the Lombards in 1226 and 1236 alarmed the papacy because they amounted to a rejection of the policy of co-operation in the cause of the crusade. Nevertheless the dangers to the papacy of a total war were great. The effort could only be sustained by the exploitation of the spiritual headship of the popes and a great increase in taxation, provisions, and indulgences. The aim was not the defeat of the infidel, but warfare against Christians, and Italian writers commented that the war was a particularly savage one. The midthirteenth century saw a marked change in the character of the medieval papacy. Since the time of Leo IX, whatever the scope of their political involvements, most popes had been patrons of reform and renewal, and the Fourth Lateran Council had produced an impressive programme to this end. The council of Lyon in 1245 issued no canons at all for the spiritual welfare of the church, although there was a good deal of technical legislation about the hearing of causes. Perhaps this was an extreme case, but it is hard to think of later popes who were leaders of international reform in the old style. Although the changing character of the papacy had a number of causes, the total war with Frederick II was perhaps the most immediate one.

iii. The Papal Monarchy in the Thirteenth Century

The thirteenth century was the high point of the papal monarchy. Innocent III had intervened with far more energy than the twelfthcentury popes in the affairs of the empire, and Innocent IV took the struggle against the emperor even further. The theoretical structure which upheld the papal dominance was given far more solidity. Innocent III imported into his letters a range of concepts which had hitherto been little used to support the dignity of the pope: vicar of Christ, fullness of power, priest-king like Mechizadek. The canonists moved sharply in the direction of papal sovereignty, and the letter Eger cui lenia was a complete statement of papal authority over the world. Only Unam sanctam, the product of a later and more desperate crisis, equals it in the range of its claims.

It is this situation which has led historians such as Walter Ullmann to present the period as the fullest statement of the hierocratic theory, which saw the papacy as the source of all authority upon earth and denied the old, dualist division betweeen the two powers of church and state. It can be readily agreed that there are some statements which present the hierocratic theory without reservation, but a broader look at the evidence reveals the same pattern of qualification or incoherences which we have encountered in earlier statements of papal theory. Eger cui lenia is untypical, and displays marked contrasts with the more measured teaching of Innocent IV as a canonist in his commentaries. We do not know how such a conflict arose: the most probable explanation is that Eger cui lenia, although written in Innocent's name, was really a product of Cardinal Rainer's passionate propaganda. The commentaries reflect the ambiguities which had always been apparent in the treatment of the papal office in canon law. Canonists were not political philosophers but lawyers concerned with the application of texts to particular problems. Hence it is that Innocent IV stood in the tradition of Innocent III in insisting on the rights of secular governments. The theory that the Roman Church may intervene on special occasions ( casualiter ) was given firmer shape by the detailed discussion of the grounds for such intervention. There were times when Innocent even insisted on greater independence for the secular power. His concern for the world outside Christendom led him to insist that the political authority of unbelievers was authentic and lawful -- a position questioned by other canonists.

Even with regard to papal authority within the church, the canonists continued to insist that it had limits. These were the articles of the faith, the common good of the church, and the obligation not to create scandal to the brethren. Hostiensis declared of the pope that 'all things are lawful to him, provided that he does not act against the faith . . . and provided that he does not offend God by mortal sin'. Accordingly, the pope should take great care in the issue of provisions to benefices, in hearing causes, and in the grant of privileges. 26 These were real limitations, but they existed in a framework of emphatic declarations about the wide scope of papal sovereignty, many of which were elaborations of language introduced by Innocent III, whose borrowings from theology and rhetoric produced a permanent distortion in the previous thinking of the lawyers. Thus the idea of the pope as the vicar of Christ (a rare concept in law before 1198) was interpreted as granting to him all the powers which belonged to Christ on earth. Innocent IV elaborated this notion by a vision of human history as consisting of a series of governments provided by the providence of God for the regulation of human affairs, of which the authority of the papacy was the last. In this respect the statement in Eger cui lenia that 'we exercise on earth the general legation of the king of kings' was in line with papal thinking. 27 It is therefore impossible to categorize papal doctrine in the simple terms 'hierocratic' or 'dualist'. Canonists were in no doubt that different powers had been ordained for the government of the church and the state. The very dignity of the spiritual power, which ultimately meant that it was the superior, also meant that it should not be debased by the decision of merely human affairs. Within the church, too, however great the authority of the apostolic see, no one supposed that it was the only dignity appointed by God, and it is rare even to find a systematic argument that all other

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26 L. Buisson, Potestas und Caritas ( Cologne/ Graz, 1958), 90 n. The reference is to 1 Cor. 6: 12.
27 P. Herde in DAEM 23 ( 1967), 517.

dignities derived their authority from the pope. The ambiguities of canon law were not self-contradictions but attempts to formulate legal doctrines appropriate to a complex reality. In that sense they bear a distant similarity to modern constitutional theories which attempt to reconcile the authority of the state with the guarantee of individual or regional liberties.

The combination of autocracy with corporate power is illustrated by the cardinals. Already in the twelfth century they had become the electors of popes, their advisers, the auditors of causes in the papal curia, and the usual source of legates. With growing centralization of authority in the thirteenth century the link between the cardinals and the popes came to be more closely defined. Admittedly different popes had different styles in their dealings with the cardinals. Innocent III relied upon a small group of favoured advisers, among them Peter of Capua, Robert of Courson, and Hugolino, the later Gregory IX. Other cardinals were pushed to the periphery of influence, and Innocent did not hesitate to abandon favourites when he disapproved of their conduct of policy. In 1216 there was a sharp change with the accession of Honorius III, himself one of the cardinals who had lost power under his predecessor. He used almost the whole college in the business of the curia, and only one or two members were of special significance. No pope, however, made a deliberate effort to escape from the power of the cardinals, whom they regarded as indispensible agents. For most of the first half of the thirteenth century they were a small group, numbering eighteen at the accession of Gregory IX and only twelve in the electoral crisis after his death. The smallness of the college helped to reduce tensions with the popes: Innocent IV was able to provide himself with advisers to his own mind by nominating no less than twelve new cardinals on 28 May 1244, thus swamping any dissent. The growing emphasis on papal authority had the effect of increasing the status of the cardinals. In 1225 the Summi providentia principis of Honorius III imposed severe penalties for offences against them in terms which implied that they participated in the majesty of the pope himself. Innocent IV, responding to the problems which had become manifest in the recent papal election, drafted a measure, Quia frequenter, which would have given the power of immediate election to those cardinals present at the curia at the death of a pope -- a striking amendment to the 1179 electoral decree which in the event was never implemented. He also bestowed on them the right to wear the red hat as a symbol of office. By the middle of the century we hear from the canonist Hostiensis that the cardinals were 'commonly and generally known as the sacred college'. It came to be accepted that their office rested upon divine ordinance. This may be the meaning of the decretal Per venerabilem of 1202, where the cardinals are apparently regarded as descended from the Levitical priests, but there is nothing else in the letters of Innocent III which bears out such an interpretation. 28 The Biblical authority of the cardinals next appeared in a letter of Frederick II on 10 March 1239, which described them as successors of the apostles. 29 This is confirmed by Gregory IX's reference to them in 1241 as 'lawful successors of the apostles'. 30 The assumption was also growing that pope and cardinals shared the same authority, the college being 'united by God with the pope, because it is one and the same with him'. 31 Utterances about the universal authority of Rome are by no means equivalent to assertions of papal authority; as canonists noted, the title 'Roman Church' might mean the whole catholic church, or the pope and cardinals, or the pope alone.

Immensely more business was now being brought from all parts of Christendom before the curia, which was obliged to restructure its organization accordingly. In a way typical of the contemporary style of 'rescript government' the papal officers were responding to public demand rather than themselves formulating new policies. 32 Already by 1192 we have a description of writers of petitions sitting at the entrance to the Lateran palace surrounded by customers. 33 The increasing level of business led to the adoption of routine. By 1180 there were signs of the distinction of two types of letters, the later letters of justice and letters of grace, although the curia was still far from the schematization of the later thirteenth century. Petitions for favours or 'graces' would be embodied in a letter to be read or checked before the pope for approval. Applications for judicial instructions were initially processed in a more routine way, but it

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28 See the discussion by W. Maleczek, Papst und Kardinalskolleg 1191-1216 ( Vienna, 1984), 284-5. The reference is to Deut. 17: 8-12.
29 Huillard-Bréholles (ed.), Historia Diplomatica Friderici Secundi v.i, 282.
30 Letter of Gregory IX, MGH Ep. Saec. XIII, I, no. 827, p-726 (although the reference may not be specific to cardinals). 31 For the development of language of this type, see J. Lecler, Pars corporis papae, in L'homme devant Dieu: mélanges offerts H. de Lubac ( Paris, 1964), 183-98.
32 On the nature of rescript government see ch. 9: ii above.
33 R. Davidsohn, "Das Petitions-Büreau der päpstlichen Kanzlei", Neues Archiv 16 ( 1891), 638-9.

was found necessary to provide special facilities for cases where the other party entered an objection or 'contradiction'. The Audientia litterarum contradictarum is first mentioned in connection with a case brought by Evesham Abbey in 1205/6. By 1216/7 it had a regular officer, the auditor, and soon its auditors included jurists of outstanding reputation, including Sinibaldo Fieschi, the later Innocent IV. Powerful bodies found it advisable to retain permanent representatives or proctors at the curia to keep an eye on petitions and appeals which might damage their interests; the first definite instance of a 'standing' proctor can be found in 1241. Originally there was no established bench of judges and each case was referred to suitably experienced cardinals or chaplains. The judges were sometimes surprisingly impermanent, and we even find Innocent III delegating a case to two bishops who happened to be visiting Rome at the time. There was still no indication of a permanent tribunal at the time of the issue of the Gregorian decretals in 1234, but under Innocent IV we find two committees of regular auditors. Even so, the principle that the pope was the Judge continued to be a reality, for an auditor was normally empowered to conduct the hearings and then refer the file of proceedings to the pope for decision. The pressure of business, which was leading to the reorganization of judicial activities, was even more evident in the writing-office or chancery. Once again Innocent III appears as a major innovator; Peter Herde has referred to 'a new institution of the papal chancery, which according to everything we know was founded by Innocent III'. 34 In the twelfth century the ordinary city writers of Rome prepared petitions and the letters which were issued in response. Innocent was concerned to discover, immediately after he became pope, that there had been several cases of forgery, and this was the immediate cause of his reform of the chancery. A writers' college was established on the lines of the craft guilds frequent in Italian cities, and the office of corrector established with the special function of making sure that letters were written in accordance with the complex rules of diction, which made them difficult to imitate. The first corrector of whom we know is M. Peter Mark in 1212. The increasingly professional character of the chancery was reflected in the disappearance of the office of cardinal chancellor. This had already happened intermittently in the twelfth century, and from 1216 the chancery finally lost its titular head and was supervised by a

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34 P. Herde, Audientia Litterarum Contradictarum (Tübingen, 1970), 20.

vice-chancellor who actually attended to the business. By 1250 the curia had been streamlined to deal with the vast press of business and had assumed the outline which it was to retain, with few major changes, until the sixteenth century.

This hyperactive curia needed firm lines of communication with the provinces. Since the time of Gregory VII the office of legate had provided the main system of ambassadors, and this remained true until the nuncio emerged in the sixteenth century. The contribution of the thirteenth century was to emphasize the authority of the legate and to define his functions. To express the legate's power to speak in the name of the pope he came to wear a version of the papal garments. In 1213 Pelagius went to Constantinople 'dressed in red shoes and garments', and Hostiensis described legates as wearing red clothes, gilded shoes and having a horse with white reins. Gratian had been vague about legates; indeed, neither he nor the decretists who commented on him had distinguished between a legate and a judge delegate, who by the thirteenth century was recognized as quite a different animal. By the time of Gregory IX a formal distinction had been made between three legatine commissions. The legate a latere (from the pope's side) virtually exercised papal authority in the region to which he had been sent, and was usually a cardinal. His special status was first clearly indicated in a decretal of Gregory IX. 35 A legate with a more limited commission was known as a legatus missus, and was again distinguished from an archbishop who had been given a legatine status, the native legate or legatus natus.

The despatch of a legate was a rare and special occasion. The vast number of rescripts issued might seem to imply an elaborate postal system, but the reality was rather different. Many were delivered by the petitioners to whom they were issued and who presented them to the bishop or his officers for enforcement. In the great majority of cases the local investigation and hearing was entrusted to judges delegate. In the twelfth century they had mostly been bishops, but with the increasing number of trained canon lawyers it became possible to widen the pool. One active delegate in England was Richard of Mores, prior of the Augustinian house of Dunstable from 1212 to 1242, who was probably the author of a handbook on procedure and who can be traced as delegate in forty-eight suits. The parties continued to have the right to initiate an appeal at any stage in

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35 Greg. IX, Decretals, I. 30.8 (185).

its progress before the local judges, not merely after an adverse decision, and the pope's status was thus that of 'universal ordinary', accessible to everyone with a grievance and money to pursue it. It was a curious system, because in the end the enforcement of the sentence of judges delegate depended on the authority of the bishop and his officers to apply it. Many of the cases heard, moreover, ended not in sentence but in arbitration -- a statement which is true of almost all tribunals in medieval society. Such suits were numerous, and they included some of the most important issues as well as minor ones. Christopher Cheney has found traces of 270 lawsuits brought before the curia from England during the eighteen years of Innocent III, and estimates that these may be the survivors of an original 800. A small number was heard by auditors in the curia, but the vast majority went by commission to judges delegate in England.

Appeals to Rome continued to be an expensive way of proceeding. The initial communication cost money and the stream of complaints about charges at the curia went on unabated in the thirteenth century. Buoncampagno of Florence, writing a formulary on curial practice, included a letter to a bishop who had won his case 'by the grace of God and the merits of the blessed martyrs Albinus and Rufinus', those favourite Roman saints of silver and gold. 36 Why, if papal justice was expensive, was it in such high demand? The most obvious reason was that appellants did not like the way that a case was going in the bishop's court, or that they could not expect a favourable hearing in their own country or diocese. It was also important that the procedure began with an enormous advantage for the appellant. In most cases his own statement of his case was incorporated in the commission, which would be directed to judges whom he had himself proposed. The procedure thereafter was more fairly weighted, but it gave a good start to a party who did not fancy the local prospects. Once the procedure was in being it tended to be self-perpetuating because of the likelihood that an influential litigant would appeal; it was better to go to the papal tribunal at once rather than face the prospect of having to argue the case twice. Even if the matter was ended by agreement it would be advantageous to have this confirmed by a jurisdiction which promised a final settlement. It is more difficult to say whether the papal jurisdiction was actually more efficient. Although there was a considerable overlap in

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36 For details and examples see C. R. Cheney, Pope Innocent III and England ( Stuttgart, 1976), 110.

personnel with the diocesan courts, it is likely that the most expert lawyers were employed as judges delegate. There are instances of litigants who said that the delegates were quicker, and in fact they do seem to have been reasonably expeditious, allowing for the time involved in obtaining the original commission from the curia. In all probability, however, what induced litigants to turn to the papal jurisdiction was the initial advantage which it offered the appellant and the inclination to use the tribunal in which the case was likely to end.

These were the attractions for litigants. The question why the papacy was willing to turn its household into a vast international lawcourt in face of critics from St Bernard onwards is a different one. Undoubtedly the fact that through this mechanism some people received a justice which would otherwise have been denied them by powerful local interests encouraged popes to extend and perfect it, and in particular it provided a means of defending the rights of the church against lay invasion. Perhaps even more significant was the way in which the extension of jurisdiction also carried with it the extension of law. The papacy had no regular means of legislation, for great councils were held only once in a generation, and the concern of the western church to Christianize society, and apply a standard system of law in such matters as marriage, took the form not of issuing statutes but of extending the accessibility of its courts. Alongside these larger questions of policy was undoubtedly the operation of self-interest. More suits meant more fees for writers, proctors, and advocates, as well as more gifts for cardinals with an elastic conscience. Whatever the motives, the litigants and the curia between them had conspired to create a system of appeals of enormous range and extent by the end of our period.

The extension of the appellate jurisdiction of the papacy was closely connected with a drastic change in the nature of canon law. The staple work of canonists in the later twelfth century had been the production of commentaries on the collection of Gratian, which embodied the traditional law of the western church, but even before 1200 a new law was appearing side by side with the old. From Alexander III onwards popes were building it up through the issue of decretal letters, defining norms of conduct and law, all by rulings upon problems individually referred. The ius novum was formed almost entirely of collections of decretals. Practitioners began to assemble small 'primitive' collections as aids in the hearing of cases from about 1180. Some seventy such dossiers are known, with a large proportion of English authorship. The next stage was the formation of systematic collections divided according to subject matter, the Five ancient collections ( Quinque Compilationes Antique ) beginning with Bernard of Pavia about 1190. Soon the pope himself began to authorize decretal collections. The Third Compilation, by Peter of Benevento, was made on the instructions of Innocent III, who recommended it to the masters of Bologna for use 'both in judgements and in the schools', although his concern was not the conscious shaping of a new legal system, but the provision of a body of texts of guaranteed authenticity. In 1226 Honorius III similarly authorized the Fifth Compilation, echoing his predessor's phrase more firmly to make it clear that there was an obligation to apply it.

The major work of ordering the whole body of decretals was undertaken by Raymond of Pefiafort on the order of Gregory IX in 1230. Raymond was given wide discretion to edit the earlier collections in order to produce a single volume of letters whose rulings were to be universally applicable. The whole material was published on 5 September 1234 by the bull Rex pacificus. In order to give coherence to some sections Raymond was permitted to request a papal ruling on certain matters which were not made fully clear in existing decretals, and there are something over sixty such special decretals in the collection. It was known simply as the New Compilation or (significantly) the Corpus Iuris, and with it the body of canon law had almost received the form in which it was to exist until 1917. The Decretum of Gratian and the Gregorian compilation formed the old and new testaments of the legal revelation. While the decretal collections were being assembled legal commentaries were already appearing, provided by canonists known as the decretalists in contrast with the decretists who had worked on Gratian. The 'ordinary' gloss, which became the basis for study, was produced by Johannes Teutonicus on the Ancient Compilations, and then updated by Bartholomew of Brixen by the incorporation of the necessary references to the now standard Gregorian collection. True, the issue of decretals had not stopped, and more were added to the corpus of canon law, including the new provisions or novelle of Innocent IV; but their character had changed. They were far fewer in number, and they were not responses to consultations in particular cases but were much more like legislation of a modern kind. This had already been true of the decretals issued by Gregory IX for Raymond's guidance, and the novelle of Innocent IV consisted mainly of canons from the Council of Lyon and the great decretal Romana ecclesia in 1246, which went far beyond the case to which it was addressed and provided a series of rulings about the authority of metropolitans and the jurisdictions of bishops' officials. When Hostiensis, the greatest canonist of the middle years of the century, pointed to the authority of 'a constitution . . . which the pope pronounces by his own volition and puts in writing without the advice of his brethren', he was announcing the end of the golden age of decretals. 37 The assumptions which had brought canon law into the shape which it would retain for so long were different from that: it was the product of rescript government, the form which the papal monarchy had taken in its most influential period, which was now coming to an end.

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37 Cited G. Le Bras, Histoiredudroit . . . de l'égliseen Occident VII ( Paris, 1965), 150 n.

CONCLUSIONS The period of church history which we have studied in this volume allows no facile summary with which to end. It is fair to talk about the programme of the reforming papacy, but not easy to see its consistent application in subsequent generations. In many areas of activity, we see not one change but a series of successive transformations, as Cluniacs and Cistercians and friars emerged in turn as the most admired version of the religious life, or as the pendulum of Paris theology swung from speculation to pastoral care and back again. Although the institutions of the thirteenth-century church are far more familiar to our eyes than those of two centuries before, there is no simple tale of 'modernization' to be told here. Sometimes the currents apparently flowed the wrong way: Thomas Merton could use the spirituality of the early Cistercians as a key to an understanding of our own dilemmas, but few now would feel affinity to the well-oiled order of the mid-thirteenth century. To contemporaries the changes seemed so far-reaching that German thinkers sought to find room within the conservative Augustinian view of history for a concept of real historical progress, and Joachim of Fiore came to see history as a series of ages in which revolutions were worked by the power of God. None of this points to the formulation of neat conclusions. Yet it remains true that during these 200 years the Roman Church had never enjoyed such authority in the western churches as a whole, and arguably it was never again (perhaps not even in the sixteenth century) going to display such initiative in creating and encouraging new movements. There is therefore an obligation, at the end of this long haul, to offer the reader some oversimplifications about the way in which papal direction had shaped church history.

One aspect is relatively easy to describe. The zone of control covered by western Christendom had undergone some significant changes. Within Europe only Lithuania retained an official pagan cult, and the frontiers of the Christian states had advanced to the Mediterranean seaboard at almost all points. Sicily had been recovered early and by 1252 much the greatest part of Spain and Portugal lay under Christian rule, although Granada was to survive for another two centuries as a totally Moorish kingdom. Since the great enterprise to create a Christian kingdom of Jerusalem had by I250 retained only a few toe-holds in Syria the effect was to draw the frontier between Christendom and Islam even more firmly along the Mediterranean. This rather obvious geographical reflection must not distract us from noticing two other features of significance. Since 1204 Latin Christendom had become dominant in the eastern Mediterranean, and Orthodoxy had faded into a politically secondary role from which it was never, with the very important exception of Russia, fully to emerge. Moreover the ambitious plans for missions in Africa and Asia, which were to enjoy little success, nevertheless left behind them in the thinking of the church some seeds which were to fructify remarkably in the sixteenth century.

Christianity had expanded in its geographical coverage; it had increased immensely more in its impact upon hearts and minds. We may think first here of the much more interior spirituality which was developed among the Cistercians, and made popular by the Franciscans; and of the growth of a new Christian folklore and storytelling in town and country. Underlying these was a profound shift in the understanding of worship and the cure of souls. The Roman Church moved from its original cultic reform programme (if the sacrifice was to be acceptable, the priest must have his hands clean from simony and women) to an attempt to prescribe appropriate behaviour for all sorts and conditions of men, and thence to an ideal of care for individual souls, all of whom were to make their annual confession to their own priest. A network of parochial control spread throughout Christendom, and (at least in some parts of the Continent) the dioceses developed records which were no longer purely titles to property rights, but came to include information about the parochial clergy indispensible to their proper supervision. From the Fourth Lateran creed onwards, a more precise definition of the faith emerged in line with the teaching of Paris theology. While symbolum remained the standard term for a creed, we significantly begin to hear of 'articles' of belief: a declaration of faith was being seen less as a proclamation of a cosmic commitment and more as adherence to a set of defined propositions. This growing grasp and control rested partly upon its moral strength and acceptability, partly on the excellent legal and administrative services which the papal curia came to offer. In the last resort, however, the church became increasingly ready to turn to force. It always recognized that to enforce a decree of excommunication, or still more to repress a group of heretics, it needed the help of the secular arm. Far more strikingly than this, however, the church developed perhaps the only two effective repressive mechanisms which have ever developed from within Christianity: crusade and inquisition. In both, the role of the Roman Church was central, for Urban II proclaimed the First Crusade in 1095 and Gregory IX issued the first commissions of inquisition in the early 1230s; and crusade and inquisition both still influence our images of repression and warfare.

This pattern of care, control, and repression was an international one, and this too was a new development of our period. True, if we could visit medieval Europe we would be struck by its intense localisms. Major churches had their own liturgical customs, cities championed their own saints or protected their own heretics from among their favourite sons, and nobles ran courts of warfare, love, and piety in whatever combination they thought fit. Yet the elements of growing internationalism were powerful. The most dramatic of all was perhaps the vast struggle of western Christendom to extend its boundaries through the crusading endeavour. There were international religious orders: the Cistercians required the same daily routine to be applied from the Scottish borders to the mountains of Calabria, and the friars expected their members to be available for transfer between houses and if necessary between countries and continents. Paris and Bologna were truly international universities. At the heart of this process stood the Roman Church itself, which during these years completed the process of development from the local church of Rome to a curia which recruited personnel from many parts of the west to run an international organization, which had largely lost its local connections in Rome and which for long periods was unable to enter the city at all.

We can well understand how such developments gave rise to the rhetoric of papal lordship and even of papal monarchy. We have also seen reasons why such rhetoric should not be taken too seriously. Many canonists were aware of the qualifications which had to be made: the God-given right of the secular power to run its own affairs and the duty of the pope to uphold the faith and proper order of the entire church. Absolutist claims which ignored these limitations were rare, unrealistic, and usually the polemical product of a critical situation. As we have seen, the machinery of government was not designed to define a policy and impose it upon an unwilling society, and the enormous growth in the influence of the curia during these centuries can be ascribed mainly to two things. One was the demand throughout Europe for an organization which would offer protection, exemption, or relief to the great numbers of petitioners who addressed it, from great monasteries to distressed townswomen and communities of peasants. The other was the long tradition of alliance between Rome and creative movements in the western church as a whole. Once Leo IX had put the control of the Roman Church into the hands of the northern reformers, Rome became a natural champion for all those who were dissatisfied with conditions within their local churches. There are some remarkable examples of this championing of radicalism, ranging from the lay strike directed against simoniacal clergy to the welcome extended by the great Innocent III to the poverello of Assisi. Perhaps it is unfair to say that even the mid-thirteenth-century papacy had lost this natural sympathy with radicalism, for Gregory IX was devoted to the friars and Innocent IV gave Clare her longed-for privilege of poverty. It may be more correct to see the papacy as the victim of its own success. As it exploited its financial and administrative opportunities more widely (through provisions, crusade commutations, income taxes) the western church as a whole became more aware of the use of these resources for political ends in. Italy. After 1250, it is hard to find the same championing of international reform or to think of great initiatives in the old style; and the tide of complaints about the curia, which had in all conscience been high enough since early in the twelfth century, rose to a mighty flood.


BIBLIOGRAPHY

The amount of publication in this field is enormous, and the purpose of this selection is to mention important works, usually recent, which will take further the discussion of subjects considered in the text. For reasons of space I have not included books which were of importance in the development of a topic if they no longer provide a natural starting-point for the student; nor have I normally attempted to cover editions of sources. English translations of modern works are shown under the date of their publication in this country. In every section I have tried to include at least one work with a substantial bibliography of its own. Some important periodicals and records series may be found in the list of Abbreviations at the beginning of the book.

Medieval church history.
The most obvious starting-point for those interested in the detailed history of the medieval church is H. Jedin and J. Dolan (eds.), History of the Church : vol. iii, The Church in the Age of Feudalism, by F. Kempf and others; iv, From the High Middle Ages to the Eve of the Reformation, by H.-G. Beck and others ( London, 1980). Older but still of great value are vols. vii-x of A. Fliche and V. Martin (eds.), Histoire de l'église depuis les origines jusqu'à nos jours ( Paris, 1939-).A valuable handbook is H. Jakobs, Kirchenreform und Hochmittelalter ( Munich-Vienna, 1984). There is a brief survey of interest by D. Knowles and D. Obolensky, "The Christian Centuries": vol. ii, The Middle Ages ( London, 1969), and a brilliant one by R. W. Southern, Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages ( Harmondsworth, 1970). K. A. Fink's book, Papsttum und Kirche im abendländischen Mittelalter is intermittent in coverage but outstanding on what it does cover. For a broad introduction to medieval religious attitudes, the reader could not do better than to begin with B. Hamilton, Religion in the Medieval West ( London, 1986). The famous collection of materials by G. G. Coulton , Five Centuries of Religion, 4 vols. ( Cambridge, 1923-50), gives a good if selective impression of the attitudes of contemporaries in their own words.

The medieval world-view.
Historians since the Second World War (and in some cases before it) have moved away from the history of events and replaced it by the study of social structures and of the way in which they are reflected in the medieval attitude to the world. Five great books which illustrate this approach are M. Bloch, Feudal Society ( London, 1962); R. W. Southern , The Making of the Middle Ages ( London, 1953); J. Le Goff, La civilisation de l'occident médiéval ( Paris, 1967); W. von den Steinen, Der Kosmos des Mittelalters von Karl dem Grossen zu Bernhard von Clairvaux, 2nd edn. ( Berne-Munich, 1967); and G. Duby, La société aux XIe et XIIe siècles dans la région mâconnaise ( Paris, 1954), a local study of very wide interest. To them must be added other original and interesting works, among them A. Y. Gurevich , Categories of Medieval Culture ( London, 1985); F. Heer, The Medieval World 1100-1350 ( London, 1962); and G. Duby, The Making of the Christian West ( Geneva, 1967). There are interesting collections of studies by J. Le Goff, Time, Work and Culture in the Middle Ages ( Chicago, 1980), and R. Fossier and others, " Le Moyen-Âge " vol. ii, L'éveil de l'Europe 950-1250 ( Paris, 1982). R. Pernoud has written a lively attack on modern assumptions about the Middle Ages in Pour en finir avec le Moyen Age ( Paris, 1977), and there is a very large collection in which the attitudes prevailing in different medieval centuries are brought into interesting comparison by A. Borst , Lebensformen im Mittelalter ( Frankfurt-Berlin, 1973). For detailed histories of government and policy one now has to turn to specialist studies, but there are interesting overviews which include this aspect by K. Hampe, Das Hochmittelalter, 5th edn. ( Graz, 1963); H. Zimmermann, Das Mittelalter, 2 pts. ( Brunswick, 1975-9); and J. H. Mundy, Europe in the High Middle Ages 1150-1309 ( London, 1973).

Reference lists.
The classic bibliographies are L. J. Paetow, A Guide to the Study of Medieval History (repr. and corrected, Millwood, 1980) and G. C. Boyce , Literature of Medieval History 1930-75, 5 vols. ( New York, 1981). Current publications are listed each quarter in a magnificent bibliography in RHE, and there are valuable ones also in AHP and DAEM. The standard work to consult for lists of medieval bishops is still P. B. Gams, Series episcoporum ecclesiae catholicae (repr. Graz, 1957), which will eventually be superseded by the large project of O. Engels and St. Weinfurter, Series episcoporum ecclesiae catholicae occidentalis ab initio ad annum MCXCVIII ( Stuttgart, 1982-). Study of the sources must begin with the series edited by L. Genicot, Typologie des sources du Moyen Âge ( Turnhout, 1972-). See also R. C. van Caenegem and F. L. Ganshof, Guide to the Sources of Medieval History ( Amsterdam, 1978).

Ecclesiastical Institutions.
Here the classic work is the one edited by G. Le Bras , Histoire du droit et des institutions de l'église en occident : vol. vii by Le Bras , L'Âge classique 1140-1378 ( Paris, 1965); vol. viii by J. Gaudemet, Le gouvernment de l'église à l'époque classique: 2, le gouvernment local ( Paris, 1979). Le Bras is also the author of volume xii of FM, Institutions ecclésiastiques de la Chrétienté médiévale ( Paris, 1959-64) Chrétienté médiévale( Paris, 1959-64). The book of R. W. and A. J. Carlyle, A History of Medieval Political Thought in the West, esp. vols. ii, iv, and v ( Edinburgh, 1909-22), contains an outstanding survey of thought on the subject, even if it was written before the work of canonists and theologians had been explored. B. Tierney, The Crisis of Church and State 1050-1300 ( New Jersey, 1964), provides an excellent selection of contemporary material.

Papacy.
There are good introductions to the medieval papacy by G. Barraclough , The Medieval Papacy ( London, 1968), and H. Zimmermann, Das Papsttum im Mittelalter: eine Papstgeschichte im Spiegel der Historiographie ( Stuttgart, 1981). There are two pungently argued works by W. Ullmann, A Short History of the Papacy in the Middle Ages ( London, 1972), and The Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages, 3rd edn. ( London, 1970). His conclusions have been widely challenged, and the issues are clarified in an article by F. Kempf, "Die päpstliche Gewalt in der mittelalterlichen Welt', Miscellanea Historiae Pontificiae 21" ( 1959) 117-69 and the further discussion by H. Barion and Kempf in ZSSRGkA 46-7 ( 1960-1), and in F. Oakley, 'Celestial Hierarchies Revisited', Past and Present 60 ( 1973) 3-48. There is also an interesting examination of papal authority in K. F. Morrison, Tradition and Authority in the Western Church 300-1140 ( Princeton, 1969). G. B. Ladner has produced a classic study of I vitratti dei papi nell' antichità e nel medioevo, 3 vols. ( Vatican, 1941-80), and the significance of the names of the popes is discussed by F. Krämer, 'Ober die Anfänge und Beweggriinde der Papstnamenänderungen im Ma.', Romische Quartalschrift 51 ( 1956) 14888, and B. U. Hergemöller, Die Geschichte der Papstnamen ( Münster, 1980). The development of the ceremonial involved in the creation of popes is difficult to clarify, but there are good studies by H. W. Klewitz, 'Die Krönung des Papstes', ZSSRGkA 61 ( 1941) 96-130; and E. Eichmann, Weihe und Krönung des Papstes im Mittelalter ( Munich, 1951). Also important is H. Zimmermann, Papstabsetzungen des Mittelalters ( Vienna, 1968).

Rome and the Papal State.
L. Halphen provided a fundamental study on this subject in his Études sur l'administration de Rome au Moyen Âge, Bibliothèque de l'École des Hautes Études 166 ( 1907). There is a most interesting assessment of the cultural significance of Rome in our period by H. Schmidinger , Roma docta? Rom als geistiges Zentrum im Mittelalter ( Salzburg, 1973); and a very sound history by P. Partner, The Lands of S. Peter ( London, 1972). The social and religious development of central Italy is the subject of a really outstanding work by P. Toubert, Les structures du Latium médiéval, 2 vols. ( Rome, 1973). On the first part of our period there is a helpful article by D. B. Zema, "The Houses of Tuscany and of Pierleone in the Crisis of Rome in the Eleventh Century", Traditio 2( 1944) 155-75; and above all the invaluable thesis by D. R. Whitton, "Papal Policy in Rome 1012-1124" (University of Oxford D.Phil. 1980).

Germany.
For the history of Germany, which is particularly crucial to that of the medieval church, see K. Hampe, Germany under the Salian and Hohenstaufen Emperors ( Oxford, 1973); H. Fuhrmann, Germany in the High Middle Ages ( Cambridge, 1986); H. Keller, Zwischen regionaler Begrenzung und universalem Horizont: Deutschland und Imperium der Salier und Staufer ( Berlin, 1986); and A. Haverkamp, Aujbruch und Gestaltung: Deutschland 1056-1273 ( Munich, 1984). Some documents are provided in translation by B. H. Hill, Medieval Monarchy in Action: The German Empire from Henry I to Henry IV ( London, 1972). A. Hauck, Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands, vols. iiiii ( Leipzig, 1896- 1903), is still an invaluable work because of its huge range and references to the sources.

England.
Two general histories which contain a good deal of discussion of the church are F. Barlow, The Feudal Kingdom of England 1042-1216, 3rd edn. ( London, 1972), and A. L. Poole, From Domesday Book to Magna Carta, 2nd ed. ( Oxford, 1955). The most useful introduction to the English church as a whole is J. C. Dickinson, An Ecclesiastical History of England: The Later Middle Ages ( London, 1979). F. Barlow's two volumes, The English Church 1000-66 ; A Constitutional History ( London, 1963), and The English Church 1066-1154 ( 1979), form a fine history of the English church covering much of our period. The legislation of the English church has been magnificently edited in C&S.

France.
The starting place is now E. M. Hallam, Capetian France 937-1328 ( London, 1980), and J. Dunbabin, France in the Making ( Oxford, 1985). The general history of the French church is best approached through the excellent volume in F. Lot and R. Fawtier (eds.), Histoire des institutions françaises au Moyen Âge: iii: Institutions ecclésiastiques ( Paris, 1962), by J.-F. Lemarignier and J. Gaudemet.

PART I: THE PAPAL REFORM MOVEMENT AND THE CONFLICT WITH THE EMPIRE

Chapter I: Christian Society in the Middle of the Eleventh Century i. Introduction. The continuity with the Carolingian period will be evident from a reading of M. Wallace -- Hadrill, The Frankish Church ( Oxford, 1983) in this series, and there is a brilliant analysis of unfulfilled possibilities by K. Leyser, The Ascent of Latin Europe ( Oxford, 1986). There is also an interesting discussion by B. Bligny, "L'église et le siècle de l'an mille au début du XIIe siècle", CCM 27( 1984) 5-33. See also M. Gibson, "The continuity of learning c.850-c. 1050", Viator 6( 1975) 1-13. The significance of increasing literacy for religion and government is explored in three important works: B. Stock, The Implications of Literacy ( Princeton, 1983); M. T. Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record ( London, 1979); and H. Grundmann , " Litteratus, illiteratus ", AKg 40( 1958)1-65. The relationship between writing, speech, and symbol is considered in R. Crosby, "Oral delivery in the Middle Ages", Speculum 11( 1936) 88-110 (mainly on the narratives of jongleurs); and J. Le Goff, "Les gestes symboliques dans la vie sociale", CISAM 23 ( 1976) 679-788. On the extent to which the medieval laity ever became literate, see J. W. Thompson, The Literacy of the Laity in the Middle Ages (repr. New York, 1960); M. Parkes, "The Literacy of the Laity" in D. Daiches and A. Thorlby (eds.), The Medieval World ( London, 1973), 555-77; P. Riché, " Recherches sur 1'instruction des laï?s du IXe au XIIe siè?le' ", CCM 5( 1962) 175-82; and J. T. Rosenthal, "The Education of 'Recherches sur l'instruction des laïcs du IXe au XIIe siècle'the Early Capetians", Traditi 25( 1969) 366-76.

ii. The Pattern of Divine Government.
The governmental implications of the medieval reverence for the monarch are analysed in a famous book by F. Kern , Kingship and Law in the Middle Ages ( Oxford, 1939), and are set in a wide context in a collection of studies, Sacral Kingship: Contributions to the Eighth International Congress for the History of Religions ( Leiden, 1959). The link between kingship and the cult of the saints is explored over a long period by R. Folz, Les saints rois du Moyen Âge en occident ( Brussels, 1984). See also T. Renna, "The monastic tradition of kingship 814-1150", Cistercian Studies 18 ( 1983) 184-91. The ceremonial foundations of holy kingship may be studied in E. H. Kantorowicz, Laudes Regiae ( Berkeley, 1958); G. Tellenbach , " 'Römischer und christlicher Reichsgedanke in der Liturgie des frühen Mittelaltens, " Sb Akad. Heidelberg, 1934; H. M. Schaller, " Der heilige Tag als Termin mittelalterlicher Staatsakte ", DAEM 30 ( 1974) 1-24; and in the texts edited by R. Elze, "Die Ordines für die Weihe und Krönung des Kaisers", MGH Leges IV. 9( 1960). The classic work on the royal healing power is M. Bloch , The Royal Touch ( London, 1973), but see the comments of F. Barlow , "The King's Evil", EHR 95( 1980) 3-27, where the regular adoption of the practice is placed much later. It is not surprising that there has been a vast amount of publication on the imperial ideal. Among the best works are R. Folz, The Concept of Empire in Western Europe ( London, 1969); W. Kölmel , Regimen Christianum ( Berlin, 1970); E. Milller-Mertens, Regnum Teutonicum ( Vienna, 1970); G. Koch, Auf dem Wege zum Sacrum Imperium ( Vienna, 1972); and H. Löwe, "Kaisertum und Abendland in ottonischer und frühsalischer Zeit", HZ 196( 1963) 529-62. There is an interesting interpretation of the 'world lordship' of emperor and pope by O. Hageneder , " Weltherrschaft im Ma. ", MIOG 93( 1985) 257-78. The immense literature on the judicial use of the ordeal may be initially approached through R. Bartlett, Trial by Fire and Water: The Medieval Judicial Ordeal ( Oxford, 1986); P. Brown, "Society and the Supernatural: aMedieval Change", Medieval Change', Daedalus 104 ( 1975) 133-51; and C. Morris, "Judicium Dei: The Social and Political Significance of the Ordeal in the Eleventh Century", SCH 12 ( 1975) 95-111. For the development of the cult of the saints and of pilgrimage, see under Ch. 12. vi below. On the Peace of God movement, important studies include H. Hoffmann, " Gottesfriede und Treuga Dei ", MGH Schriften 20 ( 1964); G. Duby, " 'Les laïcs et la paix de Dieu' ", MCSM 5( 1968) 448-69; H. E. J. Cowdrey, "The Peace of God and the Truce of God", Past and Present 46( 1970) 42-67; and B. H. Rosenwein, "Feudal War and Monastic Peace", Viator 2( 1971) 129-57.

iii. The Church and the Lay powers.
On the relations between the emperor and the German churches, there are excellent surveys by T. Reuter, "The Imperial Church System of the Ottonian and Salian rulers; A Reconsideration", JEH 33( 1982) 347-74; J. Fleckenstein, " Zum Begriff der ottonischsalischen Reichskirche ", Geschichte, Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft: Fs für C. Bauer ( Berlin, 1974), 61-71; L. Santifaller, " Zur Geschichte des ottonisch-salischen Reichskirchensystems ", Sb Akad. Wien 229/ 1( 1964); and H. Zielinski,xti, 1 ( Stuttgart, 1984). The classic studies of Eigenkirchentum are those by U. Stutz, Geschichte des kirchlichen Benefizialwesens, vol. i only ( Berlin, 1895) (see "The Proprietary Church as an Clement of Medieval German Ecclesiastical Law", tr. G. Barraclough , Medieval Germany 911-1250 (repr. Oxford, 1961), ii. 35-70); and con, Le droit de propriété des laïques sur les églises et le patronage laïque ( Paris, 1906). See also H. E. Feine, "Ursprung, Wesen und Bedeutung des Eigenkirchentums", MIOG 58 ( 1950) 195-208. Studies of lay investiture, episcopal election, the personnel of the episcopate, and the work of the local churches are listed under subsequent chapters.

iv. The Beginnings of a Reform Ideology. The circumstances at Rome in the years before 1046 have been studied in detail by K-J. Herrmann, Das Tuskulanerpapsttum ( Stuttgart, 1973); H. M. Klinkenberg, "Der römische Primat im X. Jh", ZSSRGkA 72( 1955) 1-57; G. Tellenbach, "Zur Geschichte der Päpste im X. und früheren XI. Jh" in Institutionen, Kultur und Gesellschaft im Mittelalter: Festschrift für J. Fleckenstein ( Sigmaringen, 1984), 165-77; and P. E. Schramm, Kaiser, Rom und Renovatio (repr. Bad Homburg, 1962).

Chapter 2: The Pattern of Social Change

i. The Extension of Economic Activity:
The Countryside. There are many studies of the development of the medieval economy as a whole; the obvious starting-points are the Cambridge Economic History of Europe, ed. M. M. Postan, 2nd edn ( Cambridge, 1966), and the "Fontana Economic History of Europe", ed. C. Cipolla, vol. i, The Middle Ages ( London, 1972). There is also R. Latouche, The Birth of Western Economy, 2nd ed. ( London, 1967), and R. Fossier, Histoire sociale de l'occident médiéval ( Paris, 1970). Everyday life is an increasing interest of modern historians: see D. Herlihy, Medieval Households ( London, 1985), and O. Borst, Alltagsleben im Mittelalter ( Frankfurt, 1983), which has a good deal of material on ecclesiastical life, primarily in the later Middle Ages. There are two good introductions to the history of the countryside by G. Duby: The Early Growth of the European Economy: Warriors and Peasants ( London, 1974); and Rural Economy and Country Life in the Medieval West ( London, 1968). See also M. Bloch, French Rural History ( London, 1966). For a lively interpretation of the mechanisms of change, see L. White, Medieval Technology and Social Change ( Oxford, 1962).

ii. The Cities.
Good surveys are provided by the collection of essays edited by H. A. Miskimin and others, The Medieval City ( New Haven, 1977), and by E. Ennen, The Medieval Town ( Amsterdam, 1979). A very influential account was that of H. Pirenne, Medieval Cities ( Princeton, 1925), based on developments in Flanders and giving a largely commercial and 'nonecclesiastical' account of the emergence of the city. His conclusions are now widely challenged: see C. Verlinden, "Marchands ou tisserands?", Annales 27 ( 1972) 396-406, and R. G. Witt, "The Landlord and the Economic Revival of the Middle Ages", American Historical Review 76 ( 1971) 965-88; also the important study by J. Lestocquoy, Aux origines de la bourgeoisie: les villes de Flandre et d'Italie ( Paris, 1952). There is a masterly survey of the Italian cities by J. K. Hyde, Society and Politics in Medieval Italy ( London, 1973), and two significant influences from religious ideas are analysed by H. C. Peyer, "Stadt und Stadtpatron im mittelalterlichen Italien", Ziircher Studien zur allgemeinen Geschichte 13 ( 1955), and H. Z. Tucci, "Il carroccio nella vita communale italiana", QFIAB 65 ( 1985) 1-104. The number of studies of individual cities precludes any listing, but mention must be made, because of its special relevance, of Lucca und das Reich bis zum Ende des 11 Jhs (Tübingen, 1972), by H. Schwarzmaier. The broader cultural implications of the city are considered by R. W. Southern, "England's First Entry into Europe", Medieval Humanism and other Studies ( Oxford, 1970) 135-57; F.-J. Schmale , "Zu den Anfången bürgerlichen Kultur im Mittelalter", Römische Quartalschrift 58 ( 1963), 149-61; and E. Werner, Stadt und Geistesleben im Hochmittelalter ( Weimar, 1980).

iii. The Expansion of Education.
The development of schools in the course of the twelfth century has been the subject of some fine works, including G. Paré et al., La renaissance du XIIe siècle: les écoles et l'enseignement ( Paris, 1933); vol. v, Les écoles, in E. Lesne, Histoire de la propriété ecclésiastique en France ( Lille, 1910-), and P. Delhaye, "L'organisation scolaire au XIIe siècle". Traditio 5 ( 1947) 211-68. The subject is also covered in several of the histories of universities, which appear under Ch. 20.i below. The connection between the schools and society as a whole is particularly examined by J. Le Goff, Les intellectuels au Moyen Age ( Paris, 1957); H. Classen , "Die hohen Schulen und die Gesellschaft im 12 Jh", AKg 48 ( 1966) 155-80; L. K. Little, "Intellectual Training and Attitudes towards Reform", Pierre Abélard, Pierre le Vénérable: colloques du CNRS ( Paris, 1975), 235-54; and A. Murray in his brilliant book, Reason and Society in the Middle Ages ( Oxford, 1978). In a reconstruction of the history of the twelfth-century schools, the school of Chartres is specially important and specially controversial. Major works on it begin with A. Clerval, Les écoles de Chartres ( Paris, 1895), and it is reassessed in R. W. Southern, "Humanism and the School of Chartres", Medieval Humanism and other Studies ( Oxford, 1970) 61-85; in the same author's Platonism, Scholastic Method and the School of Chartres (Reading, 1979); and in RR 113-37, with an alternative view by N. M. Häring in Essays in Honour of A. C. Pegis ( Toronto, 1974), 268-329. On the development of the syllabus, there is the material edited by D. L. Wagner , The Seven Liberal Arts in the Middle Ages ( Indiana, 1983); R. W. Hunt 's collected papers, The History of Grammar in the Middle Ages ( Amsterdam, 1980); and G. Glauche, Schullektiire im Mittelalter ( Munich, 1970). The growth of the ars dictaminis is the subject of an excellent article by W. D. Patt, "The early ars dictaminis as response to a changing society", Viator 9 ( 1978) 133-55. The best contemporary discussion of the syllabus is available in translation in J. Taylor, Hugh of S. Victor, The Didascalion: a Medieval Guide to the Arts ( New York, 1961) (more correctly Didascalicon ).

iv. The Aristocracy.
An enormous amount of study has recently been devoted to the growth of the nobility in this period, and some of the general books mentioned at the beginning of this bibliography have made a major contribution; see the interesting reflections of R. I. Moore, "Duby's Eleventh Century", History 69 ( 1984) 36-49. Among many books and essays may be mentioned R.Boutrucche, "Seigneurie et féodalité": vol. ii, L'apogée ( Paris, 1970); G. Fourquin, Lordship and Feudalism in the Middle Ages ( London, 1976); La noblesse au Moyen Age: essais à la mimoire de R. Boutruche ( Paris, 1976); M. Parisse, La noblesse lorraine, 2 vols. ( Lille, 1976); T. Reuter (ed.), The Medieval Nobility ( Amsterdam, 1978); and "Structures féodales et féodalisme dans l'occident méditerranéan", École française de Rome 44 ( 1980).

v. The Dissemination of Ideas.
There is no systematic study of the way in which ideas and attitudes were exchanged in medieval society. A survey must start with J. Benzinger, "Zum Wesen und zu den Formen von Kommunikation und Publizistik im Mittelalter", Publizistik 15 ( 1970) 295318, and particular aspects and examples are discussed by L. C. Mackinney, "The People and Public Opinion in the Eleventh-Century Peace Movement", Speculum 5 ( 1930) 181-206; G. Duby, "The Diffusion of Cultural Patterns in Feudal Society", Past and Present 39 ( 1968) 3-10; C. Morris,

Medieval Media ( Southampton, 1972); E. Sourdel (ed.), Prédication et propagande au Moyen Age: Islam, Byzance, occident ( Paris, 1983). Very relevant to this subject are the works on literacy (ch.I.i above) and on preaching and pilgrimage (ch. 12 below); these contain references to studies of the road system, and to them should be added the important studies edited by H. C. Peyer, Gastfreund schaft, Taverne und Gashaus im Mittelalter ( Munich, 1983).

Chapter 3: Monastic Growth and Change
(For a fuller bibliography, see G. Constable, Medieval Monasticism: a Select Bibliography ( Toronto, 1976).)

i. Monastic Growth and Change.
There have been several projects designed to list all abbeys and priories, with dates of foundation and affiliations, and a convenient handbook is provided by P-R. Gaussin, L'Europe des ordres et des congrégations, CERCOM ( Centre européen de recherches sur les congrégations et ordres monastiques, ) n.d. The most useful general work is L. H. Cottineau , Répertoire topo-bibliographique des abbayes et prieurés, 3 vols. (Mâcon, 1935-7 and 1970). For France the main work is by J. M. Besse et al., Abbayes et prieurés de l'ancienne France, a new edition of Dom Beaunier's work ( Paris, 1905-). The Monasticon Beige begun by U. Berlière ( Bruges, 1890; Maredsous 1928-9) has been resumed in several additional volumes (Liège 1960-73). For Germany, the Germania Sacra, Neue Folge, Berlin and New York, 1962-), is designed to give very full information about monastic and other bodies. For England, there are D. Knowles and R. N. Hadcock , Medieval Religious Houses: England and Wales, 2nd edn. ( London 1971), and D. Knowles and others, The Heads of Religious Houses: England and Wales 940-1216 ( Cambridge, 1972); for Scotland, I. B. Cowanand D. E. Easson , Medieval Religious Houses: Scotland, 2nd edn. ( London, 1976); and for Ireland, A. O. Gwynn and R. N. Hadcock, Medieval Religious Houses: Ireland ( London, 1970). The Monasticon Italiae has begun with vol. i, Roma e Lazio ( Cesena, 1981). Some of the most significant collections of customs were edited by B. Albers, Consuetudines Monasticae, 5 vols. ( Stuttgart, 1900-12), and new editions are currently being published in the series Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum, ed. K. Hallinger (Siegburg, 1963-). Information about current projects may be obtained from CERCOM at St Étienne. One of the best short introductions to monastic history in this period is by M. Pacaut, Les ordres monastiques et religieux au Moyen Âge ( Paris, 1970), and equally useful is C. H. Lawrence, Medieval Monasticism London, 1984). There are good illustrated introductions to the main types of monasticism in G. Le Bras (ed.), Les ordres religieux: la vie et l'art, 2, vols. ( Paris, 1979-so). C. N. L. Brooke and W. Swaan's handsome volume The Monastic World 1000-1300 ( London, 1974), contains a good discussion of the development of the religious orders as well as a fine treatment of the buildings. For legal and constitutional aspects, see J.Hourlier Hourlier, Histoire du droit et des institutions de l'église en occident 10: L'âge classique: les religieux ( Paris, 1974). There is an outstanding survey article by J. Dubois, "Les moines dans la société du Moyen Âge", RHEF 60 1974) 537, and another by G. Constable, "The Study of Monastic History Today", in his collected papers, Religious Life and Thought ( London, 1979). There are important regional studies by B. Bligny, L'église et les ordres religieux dans le royaume de Bourgogne ( Paris, 1960); D. Knowles, The Monastic Order in England, 2nd edn. ( Cambridge, 1963) (a book of wide general interest); and G. Penco, Storia del monachesimo in Italia ( Rome, 1961). Articles on the restitution of parish churches are listed under ch. 9. iii below, and there is an important book by J. Lemarignier, Études sur les privilèges d'exemption et de juridiction ecclésiastique des abbayes normands depuis ses origines jusqu'en 1140 ( Paris, 1937).

ii. The Golden Age of Cluny.
The classic publications of documentary material on Cluny are M. Marrier and A.Duchesne (eds.), Bibliotheca Cluniacensis ( Paris, 1614; repr. Macon, 1915); A. Bernard and A. Bruel (eds.), Recueil des chartes de l'abbaye de Cluny, 5 vols. ( Paris, 1876-94); and G. Charvin (ed.), Statuts, chapitres généraux et visites de l'ordre de Cluny, i ( Paris, 1965). A major study of eleventh-century monasticism is K. Hallinger, Gorze-Kluny, 2 vols. ( Rome, 1950-1), although recent work has moved away from the abrupt alignment into two opposite movements: see especially J. Wollasch, Mönchtum des Mittelalters zwischen Kirche und Welt ( Munich, 1973), and "Neue Methoden der Erforschung des Mönchtums im Mittelalter", HZ 225 ( 1977) 529-71, where Wollasch stresses how limited is our knowledge of the self-awareness of monastic communities. To this end he has championed a new wave of publications of the mortuary rolls and 'books of life' which expressed the solidarity of the monks throughout time and space. Life at Cluny has been described by J. Evans, Monastic Life at Cluny 910-1157 ( Oxford, 1931), and N. Hunt, Cluny under S. Hugh ( London, 1967); and daily routine and administration by G. de Valous, Le monachisme clunisien des origines au XVe siècle, 2 vols., 2nd edn. ( Paris 1970). The economic system is admirably surveyed in G. Duby, "Économie domaniale et économie monétaire: le budget de l'abbaye de Cluny", Annales 7 ( 1952) 155-71. Collected studies are published in A Cluny; congrès scientifique ( Dijon, 1950); G. Tellenbach (ed.), Neue Forschungen ber Cluny und die Cluniacenser ( Freiburg, 1959); H. Richter (ed.), Cluny: Beiträge zu Gestalt und Wirkung der cluniazensischen Reform, Wege der Forschung 241 ( 1975); N. Hunt, Cluniac Monasticism in the Central Middle Ages ( London, 1971); and G. Constable, Cluniac Studies ( London, 1980). On the longstanding discussion about the impact of Cluny on the general reform of the church, see H. E. J. Cowdrey, The Cluniacs and the Gregorian Reform ( Oxford, 1970); and M. Pacaut, Ordre et liberté dans l'èglise: l'influence de Cluny, D. Loades (ed.), The End of Strife ( Edinburgh, 1984), 155-79. There is a brief description of the Hirsau movement with good illustrations by W. Irtenkauf , Hirsau: Geschichte und Kultur ( Lindau, 1959), and its constitutional and political significance has been carefully examined by H. Jakobs, Die Hirsauer ( Cologne, 1961); while the same author's book Der Adel in der Klosterreform von S. Blasien ( Cologne, 1968), is of much wider interest than the title may suggest.

iii. Hermits.
The hermit-ideal is surveyed in MCSM 4 ( 1965), L'eremitismo in occidente nei secoli XI e XII. The nature of the eremitical life in general is discussed by L. Gougaud, "La vie é`rémitique au Moyen Âge", Revue d'ascétique et de mystique 1 ( 1920) 209-40 and 313-28; J. Leclercq, Eremus et eremita', Collectanea Ordinis Cisterciensium Reformatorum 25 ( 1963) 8-30; and G. Constable, "Eremitical Forms of Monastic Life", MCSM 9 ( 1980) 23964. Earlier discussions of the monastic crisis are surveyed in an important article by J. van Engen, "The Crisis of Cenobitism Reconsidered: Benedictine Monasticism in the Years 1050-1150", Speculum 61 ( 1986) 269304. See the valuable collection of studies in MCSM 6 ( 1971), Monachesimo e la riforma ecclesiastica, and H. Leyser's book, Hermits and the New Monasticism ( London, 1984). The greatest of the Italian hermits was Peter Damian, whose letters are being edited by K. Reindel, MGH Briefe ( 1983- ). For many of his works it is still necessary to use the old edition in PL 144-5. The best studies are in P. Dressler, Petrus Damiani: Leben und Werk ( Rome, 1954); J. Leclercq S, Pierre Damien, ermite et homme déeglise ( Rome, 1960); Studi su S. Pier Damiano in onore del cardinale A. G. Cicognani, 2nd edn. ( Faenza, 1970); and S. Pier Damiano nel IX centenario della morte, 4 vols. ( Cesena, 1972). L. G. Little re-examines the evidence for the early life in The Personal Development of Peter Damian, Order and Innovation in the Middle Ages; Essays in Honour of J. R. Strayer ( Princeton 1976), 317-41; and Peter's knowledge of canon law is clarified by J. J. Ryan, S. Peter Damiani and his Canonical Sources ( Toronto, 1956). For France there is a fine basic study by J. von Walter, Die ersten Wanderprediger Frankreichs, 2 vols. ( Leipzig, 1903-6), and good studies of early hermits by G. Morin, "Renauld l'érémite et Ives de Chartres", Revue Bénédictine 40 ( 1928) 99-115; H. Grundmann , "Deutsche Eremiten", AKg 45 1963) 60-90; and G. M. Oury, "L'érémitisme dans l'ancien diocèse de Tours", Revue Mabillon 58 ( 1971) 4392. Works on the organization of the religious orders which emerged from these hermits are to be found under ch. 10 below.

Fundamental to the programmes of the eremitical reformers was the ideal of poverty. This has been discussed in a Marxist framework by E. Werner, Pauperes Christi: Studien zu social-religiösen Bewegungen im Zeitalter des Reformpapsttums ( Leipzig, 1956); and in a series of articles edited by M. Mollat , Éudes sur l'histoire de la pauvreté, 2vols. ( Paris, 1974). This project led to Mollat's own magisterial survey, Les pauvres au Moyen Age ( Paris, 1978). These three works are of major importance for the whole history of the church in this period. Also valuable are the studies in CSSSM 8 ( 1969), Poverta e ricchezza nella spiritualità dei secoli XI e XII. The question of poverty was closely connected with the desire to recover the life of the apostolic church, which is discussed by M-D. Chenu in the collected essays Nature, Man and Society in the Twelfth Century ( Chicago, 1968); M-H. Vicaire, L'imitation des apôtres: moines, chanoines et mendiants ( Paris, 1963); and G. Miccoli "Ecclesiae primitivae forma" in his Chiesa gregoriana ( Florence, 1966), 225-99. For the twelfth century, see ch. 10. i below.

iv. Canons. See the bibliography under ch. 10 below.

Chapter 4: The Papal Reform 1046-73
i. The Papal Reform: General. There are sound accounts of this period by J. P. Whitney in CMH. vol. v, ch. i and in his Hildebrandine Essays ( Cambridge, 1932); but the two books which have most profoundly influenced the modern conception of the papal reform movement are those by A. Fliche, La réforme grégorienne, 3 vols. ( Paris, 1924-371, repr. Geneva, 1978); and G. Tellenbach, Church, State and Christian Society at the Time of the Investiture Contest ( Oxford, 1940). Both are impressive works of scholarship; of the two, the theses of Tellenbach have better stood the test of time, for later discussion has tended to dismantle some of Fliche's central contentions. On the question of the appropriateness of his concept of "Gregorian Reform", there is O. Capitani, "Esiste un Età Gregoriana", Rivista di Storia e Litteratura Religiosa 1 ( 1965) 454-81; J. Gilchrist, "Was there a Gregorian reform movement?", Canadian Catholic Hist. Assoc. Study Sessions 37 ( 1970) 1-10; and G. Tellenbach, Gregorianische Reform: kritische Besinnungen, K. Schmid (ed.) Reich und Kirche vor dem Investiturstreit. Vortröge beim wissenschaftlichen Kolloquium aus Anlass des so Geburtstags von G. Tellenbach ( Sigmaringen, 1985), 99-113. Further light is thrown on the question by G. Ladner's articles "Die mittelalterliche Reform-Idee", MIOG 60 1952) 31-5959, and "Gregory the Great and Gregory VII", Viator 4 ( 1973) 1-26. Local studies have also raised questions about the character of church reform in general and "Gregorianism" in particular: the important work of E. Magnou-Nortier, La société laïque et l'église dans la province ecclésiastique de Narbonne ( Toulouse, 1974), leads us to think more of a Gregorian crisis than of a Gregorian reform, and there are important contributions by J.-M. Bienvenu, "Les caractères originaux de la réforme grégorienne dans le diocèse d'Angers", Bulletin Philologique et Historique ( 1968 [ 1971]) ii-545-60; Y. Milo, "Dissonance between Papal and Local Reform Interests in pre-Gregorian Tuscany", Studi Medievali 20 ( 1979) 6986; and W. Goez, "Reformpapsttum, Adel, und monastische Erneuerung in der Toscana", VuF 17 ( 1973) 205-39. The discussion of the movement was continued in particular in Studi Gregoriani ( Rome, 1947- ), which is not so much a periodical as a series of collected publications; and a new synthesis is offered in the impressive work of J. Laudage, "Priesterbild und Reformpapsttum im 11 Jh.", AKg Beiheft 22 ( Cologne, 1984/5). G. Ladner, "Theologie und Politik vor dem Investiturstreit" (repr. Darmstadt, 1968), is an interesting study, and good recent surveys are provided in vol. xi of M. Greschat, "Gestalten der Kirchengeschichte" ( Stuttgart, 1985). The influence of Clumac reform on the policy of the popes has already been mentioned in ch. 3. ii above. On Monte Cassino, the other great Benedictine abbey whose history was closely linked with the papal reformers, there is H.-W. Klewitz, "Monte Cassino in Rom", QFIAB 28 ( 1938) 36-47; R. Grégoire, "Le Mont-Cassin dans la réforme de l'église", MCSM 6 ( 1971) 21-53; H. Dormeier, "Montecassino und die Laien im 11 und 12 Jh.", MGH Schriften 27 ( 1979); G. A. Loud, "Abbot Desiderius of Montecassino and the Gregorian papacy", JEH 30 ( 1979) 30526; and H. E. J. Cowdrey, The Age of Abbot Desiderius ( Oxford, 1983). See also the edition of the "Monte Cassino" chronicle by H. Hoffmann in MGH Scriptores 1980.

ii. The Beginnings of Papal Reform (1046-57).
The policy of Henry III in general is described by C. M. Ryley in CMH iii, ch. 12, and there is an important analysis of his ecclesiastical policy in P. Kehr, "Vier Kapitel aus der Geschichte Kaiser Heinrichs III", Abhandlungen der Preussischen Akademie ( 1930). Contemporary views of his rule are investigated by P. G. Schmidt, "Heinrich III: das Bild des Herrschers in der Literatur seiner Zeit", DAEM 39 ( 1983), 582-90 and E. Boshof, "Der Reich in der Krise", HZ 228 ( 1979) 26587. The reasons for the deposition of Gregory VI have been much disputed, for example by G. B. Borino, "L'elezione e la deposizione di Gregorio VI", Archivio della società Romana, 39 ( 1916) 141-252, 295-410; R. L. Poole, "Benedict IX and Gregory VI", PBA 8 ( 1917) 199-228; and F.-J. Schmale, "Die Absetzung Gregors VI in Sutri", AHC 11 ( 1979) 55-103. Also important in this context are H. H. Anton, Der sogenannte Traktat De ordinando pontefice ( Bonn, 1982); and H. Vollrath, "Kaisertum und Patriziat", ZKg 85 ( 1974) 11-44. There is no modern synthesis of views on Leo IX, in spite of his crucial importance in papal history, although there are valuable detailed studies in S. Greg. and important work on Leo's councils, for example by U.-R. Blumenthal, "The Beginnings of the Gregorian Reform", in G. F. Lytle Reformation and Authority in the Medieval and Reformation Church ( Washington, 1981), 1-13; and a good study by E. Petrucci, Ecclesiologia e politica di Leone IX ( Rome, 1977). Cardinal Humbert was perhaps Leo's most influential adviser. The attempts by A. Michel to claim for him authorship of a great number of important tracts can now be regarded as superseded: see, for example, H. Hoesch, Die kanonischen Quellen im Werk Humberts von Moyenmoutier ( Cologne, 1970); the introduction to the edition of Libri tres adversus simoniacos by E. G. Robison (unpublished University of Princeton dissertation, 1971); J. Gilchrist, "Cardinal Humbert of Silva Candida", ZSSRGkA 89 ( 1972) 338-49; and H.-G. Krause G. Krause, "Über den Verfasser der Vita Leonis IX papae", DAEM 32 ( 1976) 49-85. Two articles by J. T. Gilchrist in Journal of Religious History 2 ( 1962) 13-28, and Annuale Medievale 3 ( 1962) 29-42, give a balanced view of his significance. On another of Leo's sympathizers there is the study by B. de Vrégille , Hugues de Salins, archevêque de Besançon ( Besançon, 1981). For Peter Damian, see ch. 3. iii.

iii. The Reformers Come of Age (1057-73).
On the policy of the reformers under Nicholas II, there are articles by G. B. Borino, L'arcidiaconato di Ildebrando, S. Greg. 3 ( 1948) 463-516; A. Michel, "Humbert und Hildebrand bei Nikolaus II", HJb 72 ( 1952/3) 133-61; D. Hägermann, "Zur Vorgeschichte des Pontifikates Nikolaus 'II", ZKg 81 ( 1970) 352-61; and J. Wollasch , "Die Wahl des Papstes Nikolaus II", MCSM 6 ( 1971) 54-78. The interpretation of the election decree of 1059 has been much disputed. The modern argument begins with H.-G. Krause's influential study, "Das Papstwahldekret von 1059 und seine Rolle im Investiturstreit", S. Greg. 7 ( 1960), and continues with articles by F. Kempf in AHP 2 ( 1964) 73-89; "W. Stürner" in ZSSRGkA 85 ( 1968) 1-56 and S. Greg. 9 ( 1972) 37-52; K. M. Woody in Viator 1 ( 1970) 33-54; and H. Hägermann in ZSSRGkA 87 ( 1970) 157-93. The best general study on Alexander II is undoubtedly T. Schmidt, Alexander II tind die römische Reformgruppe seiner Zeit ( Stuttgart, 1977), and there is a study of his synods by F.-J. Schmale in AHC 11 ( 1979) 307-38. The normative study of the crisis at Milan is by C. Violante, La pataria milanese e la riforma ecclesiastica ( Rome, 1955), together with G. Miccoli, "Per la storia della pataria milanese" in Chiesa Gregoriana ( Florence, 1966), 10168; H. E. J. Cowdrey, "The Papacy, the Patarenes and the Church of Milan", TRHS V. 18 ( 1968) 25-48; H. Keller, "Pataria und Stadtverfassung, Stadtgemeinde und Reform", VuF 17 ( 1973) 321-50; and E. Cattaneo, "La vita comune del clero a Milano", Aevum 48 ( 1974) 246-69. On the conflicts at Florence there is a good discussion in G. Miccoli, Pietro Igneo ( Rome, 1960), and R. Schieffer's article "Die Romreise deutscher Bischöfe im Frfihjahr 1070", Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter 35 ( 1971) 152-74, throws light on the obscure negotiations with the German church.

iv. The Principles of Papal Reform. See ch. 4. i above.

v. The Reform of the Clergy.
As a basis for understanding the attack on simony the article of E. Hirsch, "Der Symoniebegriff und eine angebliche Erweiterung desselben im 11 Jh.", Archiv für katholisches Kirchenrecht 86 ( 1906) 3-19, is still important, and other valuable general surveys are by N. M. Häring, "The Augustinian Maxim: nulli sacramento iniuria jacienda est", MS 16 ( 1954) 87-117, and J. Gilchrist, "Simoniaca heresis and the Problem of Orders", MIC C.subsid. 1 ( 1965) 209-36. Gilchrist has also analysed the important anti-simoniacal text, the "epistola Widonis", in DAEM 37 ( 1981) 576-604 and Authority and Power. Studies presented to Walter Ullmann ( Cambridge, 1980), 49-58. The policy of Leo IX and Nicholas II has been the subject of a series of studies, including J. Drehmann, Papst Leo IX und die Symonie ( Tübingen, 1908); G. Miccoll, "II problema delle ordinazioni simoniache e le sinodi lateranensi del 1060 e 1061", S. Greg. 5 ( 1956) 33-81; and F. Pelster, "Die römische Synode von 1060", Gregorianum 23 ( 1942) 66-90. There are two excellent modern discussions of the general history of clerical celibacy by M. Boelens, Die Klerikerehe in der Gesetzgebung der Kirche ( Paderborn, 1968), and G. Denzler, Das Papsttum und der Amtszölibat, i ( Stuttgart, 1973). On our period in particular there are C. N. L. Brooke , "Gregorian Reform in Action: Clerical Marriage in England 1050-1200", in his Medieval Church and Society ( Cambridge, 1971), 69-99; J. Gaudemet , "Le célibat ecclésiastique: le droit et la pratique du Xle au XIIIe siècle", ZZSSRGkA 99 ( 1982) 1-31; A. L. Barstow, Married Priests and the Reforming Papacy ( New York, 1982); and B. Schimmelpfennig, "Zölibat und Lage der Priestersöhne vom 11 bis 14 Jh.", HZ 227 ( 1978) 1-44.

One of the most disputed questions has been about the stages by which the Roman Church moved to the prohibition of royal investiture of bishops. The issue is examined by J. Laudage (ch. 4. i above) and by R. Schieffer , "Die Entstehung des päpstlichen Investiturverbots für den deutschen König", MGH Schriften 28 ( 1981). The article by G. B. Borino, "L'investitura laica dal decreto di Nicolo II al decreto di Gregorio VII", S. Greg. 5 ( 1956) 345-59, is still of value, and so are the much older works of A. Scharnagl , Der Begriff der Investitur in den Quellen und der Literatur des Investiturstreites ( Stuttgart, 1908), and P. Schmid, Der Begriff der kanonischen Wahl in den Anfången des Investiturstreits ( Stuttgart, 1926). A surviving fragment of a treatise on papal authority is assessed by W. Ullmann, "Cardinal Humbert and the ecclesia Romana", S. Greg. 4 ( 1952) 111-27, and by J. J. Ryan, "Cardinal Humbert, de Sancta Romana Ecclesia; Relics of Romano-Byzantine Relations", MS 20 ( 1958) 206-38, and the broader evolution of papalist theory is carefully charted by M. Maccarrone, "La teologia del primato romano del secolo XI", MCSM 7 ( 1974) 21-122.

Chapter 5: The Discord of Empire and Papacy 1073-1099
i. Gregory VII. The amount of publication is enormous, and a most valuable introductory guide is provided by I. S. Robinson, "Pope Gregory VII: Bibliographical Survey", JEH 36 ( 1985) 439-83. There is no single study of the pontificate which can now be regarded as normative, but R. Morghen, Gregorio VII e la riforma della chiesa nel secolo XI, new edn. ( Palermo, 1975), provides a series of studies on Gregory's life. One line of recent research has clarified Gregory's personal spirituality, as in A. Nitschke, "Die Wirksamkeit Gottes in der Welt Gregors VII", S. Greg. 5 ( 1956) 115-219; R. Schieffer , "Gregor VII: ein Versuch fiber die historische Grösse", HJb 97 ( 1978) 87-107; W. Goez, "Zur Persönlichkeit Gregors VII", Römische Quartalschift 73 ( 1978) 193-216; and K. J. Benz, "Eschatologisches Gedankengut bei Gregor VII", ZKg 97 ( 1986) 1-35. Important episodes in Gregory's early career are studied by G. B. Borino, "Invitus ultra montes cum domno papa Gregorio abii", S. Greg. 1 ( 1947) 3-46 and T. Schmidt, "Zu Hildebrands Eid vor Kaiser Heinrich III", AHP 11 ( 1973) 374-86, and his last year by J. Vogel, "Gregors VII Abzug aus Rom und sein letztes Pontifikatsjahr in Salerno" in N. Kamp and J. Wollasch (eds.), Tradition als historischer Kraft ( Berlin, 1982), 341-9, and by P. E. Hübinger in his fine book, Die letzten Worte Papst Gregors VII ( Opladen, 1973).

The classic edition of the register is the one by E. Caspar, "Das Register Gregors VII", MGH Epist 4.2, and the unregistered letters are edited and translated by H. E. J. Cowdrey, The Epistolae Vagantes of Pope Gregory VII ( Oxford, 1972). Historians have long discussed the purpose and nature of the register, which are considered by A. Murray, "Pope Gregory VII and his Letters", Traditio 22 ( 1966), 149-202; R. Morghen, "Ricerche sulla formazione del Registro di Gregorio VII", Bullettino dell'Istituto Storico Italiano 73 ( 1961) 1-40; R. Schieffer, "Tomus Gregorii papae", Archiv für Diplomatik 17 ( 1971) 169-84; H. Hoffmann, "Zum Register und zu den Briefen Papst Gregors VII", DAEM 32 ( 1976) 86-130; and H. E. Hilpert, "Zu den Rubriken im Register Gregors VII", DAEM 40 ( 1984) 606-11. The basic study, still important, of the Dictatus Papae is by K. Hofmann, Der Dictatus Papae Gregors VII ( Paderborn, 1933). The discovery of collections of canons similar to the D.P. has posed the question of their relationship, which is discussed by B. Jacqueline in RHDFE iv. 34 ( 1956) 569-74; H. Mordek in DAEM 28 ( 1972) 105-32; F. Kempf in AHP 13 ( 1975) 119-39; and M. Wojtowytsch in DAEM 40 ( 1984) 612-21. The question how far Gregory's reform implied the overturning of the old episcopal constitution of the church is discussed by L. F. J. Meulenberg, Der Primat der römischen Kirche im Denken und Handeln Gregors VII ( The Hague, 1965) (see also his article in Concilium 8/1 ( 1972) 65-78); J. Gilchrist, "Gregory VII and the Primacy of the Roman Church", Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiednis 36 ( 1968) 123-35; and I. S. Robinson, "Periculosus homo: Pope Gregory VII and Episcopal Authority", Viator 9 ( 1978) 103-31.

ii. The Breach with the Empire.
Many aspects of the Investiture Contest are examined in the excellent volume edited by J. Fleckenstein, "Investiturstreit und Reichsverfassung", VuF 17 ( 1973), and there are interesting surveys of the period by E. Werner, Zwischen Canossa und Worms: Staat und Kirche 10771122 ( Berlin, 1973) (concentrating on the social condition of Germany) and U.-R. Blumenthal, Der Investiturstreit ( Stuttgart, 1982). There are useful brief extracts assembled by K. F. Morrison, The Investiture Controversy: Issues, Ideals and Results ( New York, 1971). For a balanced outline of events chapters 2-3 of CMH, v, by Z. N. Brooke, are still reliable. On the underlying conflict of policies, there is G. Tabacco, "Autorità pontificia e impero", MCSM 7 ( 1974) 123-52. The early stages of the dispute are clarified by J. Fleckenstein, Heinrich IV und der deutsche Episkopat in den Anfången des Investiturstreites, Adel und Kirche: Festschrift G. Tellenbach, eds. J. Fleckenstein and K. Schmid ( Freiburg-im-Breisgan, 1968), 221-36; and R. Schieffer, "Spirituales latrones: zu den Hintergründen der Simonieprozesse in Deutschland zwischen 1069 und 1975", HJb 92 ( 1972), 19-60. The aims of Henry's religious policy are considered in H. L. Mikoletzky, "Der fromme Kaiser Heinrich IV", MIOG 68 ( 1960), 250-65; A. Nitschke , Die Ziele Heinrichs IV in Wissenschaft, Wirtschaft und Technik: W. Treue zum 60 Geburtstag ( Munich, 1969), 38-63; and E. Boshof, Heinrich IV Herrscher an einer Zeitenuende ( Göttingen, 1979).

An exploration of the abundant literature on the crisis of 1076-7 must now begin with the two books of H. Zimmermann, Der Canossagang von 1077, Sb Akad. Mainz ( 1975), and J. Vogel, Gregor VII und Heinrich IV nach Canossa ( Berlin, 1983). The imperialist Pope Clement III is now the subject of two excellent studies of different kinds by J. Ziese, Wibert von Ravenna: der Gegenpapst Clemens III ( Stuttgart, 1982), and I. Heidrich, Ravenna unter Erzbischof Wibert (1073-1100), VuF Sonderband 32 ( 1985), which supersede the earlier studies, good as these were. Also valuable is the edition of materials by M. E. Stoller, "Schism in the Reform Papacy: the Documents and Councils of the Antipopes 1061-1121" ( University of Columbia dissertation, 1985). A particularly good survey of political and ecclesiastical conflicts under Henry IV is by K. Leyser, "The Crisis of Medieval Germany", PBA 69 ( 1983) 409-43. Among the many local studies may be mentioned those in Investiturstreit und Reichsverfassung (see preceding paragraph); the classic by A. H. J. Cauchie, La querelle des investitures dans les diocèses de Liège et de Cambrai ( Louvain, 1890); and the recent Adelsopposition und kirchliche Reformbewegung im ötlichen Sachsen by L. Fenske ( Göttingen, 1977).

iii. The Revival of the Gregorian Papacy 1085-99.
The standard work on Urban II is now A. Becker, Papst Urban II, MGH Schriften 19/1 ( 1964). On his councils see especially R. Somerville, "The Councils of Urban II: 1", Decreta Claromontensia ( Amsterdam, 1972), and "The Council of Clermont and Latin Christian Society", AHP 12 ( 1974) 55-90. On a crucial question of Urban's idea of his authority there is a valuable article by S. Kuttner, "Urban II and the Doctrine of Interpretation; a Turning Point?", S. Grat. 15 ( 1972) 55-85. We need a new book on the total contribution of Countess Matilda to the Gregorian papacy, but there are articles on aspects of her policy in Studi Matildici, and an interesting book by R. H. Rough, The Reformist Illuminations in the Gospels of Matilda ( The Hague, 1973), which raises wider issues than the title may suggest.

iv. The War of Ideas 1076-99.
The methods by which the controversy was conducted have been splendidly surveyed in two works: the ancient classic of C. Mirbt , Die Publizistik im Zeitalter Gregors VII ( Leipzig, 1894), and its modern successor, I. S. Robinson's Authority and Resistance in the Investiture Contest ( Manchester, 1978). The same author has also provided two articles on the circulation of papal propaganda, "The Friendship Network of Gregory VII", History 63 ( 1978) 1-22, and "The Dissemination of the Letters of Pope Gregory VII during the Investiture Contest", JEH 34 ( 1983) 175-93. The issues on which the controversy focussed are examined by K. Leyser, The Polemics of the Papal Revolution in B. Smalley (ed.), Trends in Medieval Political Thought ( Oxford, 1965), 42-64, and J. Ziese, Historische Beweisführung in Streitschriften des Investiturstreites ( Munich, 1972). The propagandist letters of Henry IV were edited by C. Erdmann, "Die Briefe Heinrichs IV", MGH Studientexte 1 ( 1937) and analysed in his "Die Anfånge der staatlichen Propaganda im Investiturstreit", HZ 154 ( 1936) 491-512. They are translated by T. E. Mommsen and K. F. Morrison, Imperial Lives and Letters of the Eleventh Century ( New York, 1962). Among the studies of individual episodes and writers there are particularly useful ones by H. Fuhrmann , "Pseudoisidor, Otto von Ostia und der Zitatenkampf von Gerstungen (1085)", ZSSRGkA 99 ( 1982) 52-69; I. S. Robinson, "Zur Arbeitsweise Bernolds von Konstanz und seines Kreises", DAEM 34.1 Sonderdruck ( 1978) 51-122; W. Berschin, Bonizo von Sutri, Leben und Werk ( Berlin, 1972); and W. Hartmann, "Manegold von Lautenbach und die Anfånge der Frühscholastik", DAEM 26 ( 1970) 47-149.

The wider history of canon law is covered in ch. 16. v below. On the contributions made by Gregory VII and his followers, H. J. Berman, Law and Revolution: the Formation of the Western Legal Tradition ( Cambridge, Mass., 1983), combines old-fashioned history with interesting ideas. There are very good surveys of the canonical aspects of Gregorianism by J. Gilchrist , "Canon Law Aspects of the Gregorian Reform Programme", JEH 13 ( 1962) 21-38; H. Fuhrmann, "Das Reformpapsttum und die Rechtswissenschaft", VuF 17 ( 1973), 175-203; and H. Mordek, Kanonistik und gregorianische Reform, K. Schmid (ed.), Reich und Kirche vor dem Investiturstreit: Vorträge beim wissenschaftlichen Kolloquium aus Anlass des 80 Geburtstags von G. Tellenbach ( Sigmaringen, 1985) 65-82. On Gregory VII's direct impact on the canons, there are articles by J. Gilchrist in S. Grat. 12 ( 1967) 1-37 and ZSSRGkA 97 ( 1980) 192-229. There is now a good deal of work on the important Constance school: the key study is J. Autenrieth, Die Domschule von Konstanz zur Zeit des Investiturstreits ( Munich, 1956). J. Gilchrist has edited and translated the important contemporary Collection in 74 Titles ( Vatican, 1973; and Toronto, 1980), and it has been discussed by J. Autenrieth , "Bernold von Konstanz und die erweiterte 74-Titelsammlung", DAEM 14 ( 1958) 375-94, and H. Fuhrmann, "Über den Reformgeist der 74-Titelsammlung", Festschrift H. Heimpel ii ( Göttingen, 1972) 1101-20. The collection of Anselm of Lucca has been insufficiently studied; indeed, there is not even a full edition, because that of F. Thaner ( Innsbrück, 1906-15), provides a rather unsatisfactory text and was incomplete at the time of the editor's death. A good introduction is by A. Amanieu in Dic. DC i. 567-78. The collection of Deusdedit was edited by W. von Glanvell ( Paderborn, 1905); that of Atto exists in an old edition by A. Mal ( Rome, 1832), which is now our only source as the manuscript is lost.

Chapter 6: Greeks and Saracens
i. The Situation in the Mediterranean World. Many aspects of this are covered in works listed in the following sections, and Spain is the subject of a separate volume. The movement of the Greek and Latin churches to their final divorce is the subject of one of Sir Steven Runciman's best books, The Eastern Schism ( Oxford, 1955), and there are interesting discussions of eleventh-century developments by D. M. Nicol, "Byzantium and the Papacy in the Eleventh Century", JEH 13 ( 1962) 1-20 and J. Gauss, Ost und West in der Kirchen- und Papstgeschichte des 11 Jhs ( Zurich, 1967). The crisis of 1054 is discussed by R. Mayne, "East and West in 1054", Cambridge Historical journal II ( 1954) 133-48; E. Petrucci, "Rapporti di Leone IX con Costantinopoli", Studi Medievali iii-14-15 ( 1973-4); and in a particularly perceptive article by W. M. Plöchl, "Zur Aufhebung der Bannbullen von 1054", ZSSRGkA 88 ( 1971) 1-21.

ii. The Conquest of Sicily and Apulia.
The classic work is by F. Chalandon, Histoire de la domination normande en Italie et en Sicile, 2 vols. ( Paris 1907); see also his ch. 4 in CMH v; R. S. Lopez in K. M. Setton vols. i (section iv below), i. 54-67; and the articles edited by C. N. L. Brooke, The Normans in Sicily and S. Italy ( Oxford, 1977). On the Moslems there is M. Amari, Storia dei musulmani di Sicilia, 2nd edn. ( Catania, 1933-8), and A. Ahmad, A History of Islamic Sicily ( Edinburgh, 1975). In ch. 6 of The Arabs and Medieval Europe ( London, 1975), N. Daniel fires a powerful broadside against the picture of Norman Sicily as a tolerant land of three cultures. The policy of the Norman conquerors is surveyed by J. Décarreaux, Normands, papes et moines ( Paris, 1974); and in the collection, Roberto il Guiscard e il suo tempo ( Rome, 1975). The best source, the Ystoire de li Normant of Aimé of Monte Cassino , is edited by V. de Bartholomaeis, Fonti per la Storia d'Italia 76 ( Rome, 1935). The balance which the conquerors pursued between Latinization and the protection of Greek churches is examined by H.-W. Klewitz , "Studien über die Wiederherstellung der Römischen Kirche in Süditallen durch das Reformpapsttum", QFIAB 25( 1934/5) 105-57; Lynn White , Latin Monasticism in Norman Sicily ( Cambridge, Mass., 1938, repr. 1968); L.-R. Ménager, "Les fondations monastiques de Robert Guiscard", QFIAB 39 ( 1959) 1-116; and E. Caspar, Die Griindungsurkunden der sicilischen Bistiimer und die Kirchenpolitik Graf Rogers I ( Innsbruck, 1902). On the character of the Greek church there is an important collection of studies in La chiesa greca in Italia, Atti del Convegno storico interecclesiale ( Bari), 3 vols. ( Padua, 1973), and interesting discussions by F. Giunta, Bizantini e bizantismo nella Sicilia normanna, new edn. ( Palermo, 1974) (mainly political in its stress), and A. Guillou, "Italie médinoale byzantine ou Byzantins en Italie méridionale?", Byzantion 44 ( 1974) 152-90. Works on the political relationship of the new Norman state with the papacy, and the position of the ruler as apostolic legate, are listed under ch. 9 iv below.

iii. The Rise of Christian Militarism.
The classic study by C. Erdmann is now available in English translation as The Origin of the Idea of Crusade ( Princeton, 1977), and is still of great importance in spite of some amendments to its argument, for example by J. Gilchrist, "The Erdmann Thesis and the Canon Law", Crusade and Settlement (see v below) 37-45. There are some interesting studies in Murphy, The Holy War ( Ohio, 1976). The disputed contribution of Cluny to the new militarism is considered by H. E. J. Cowdrey, "Cluny and the First Crusade", Revue Bénédictine 83 ( 1973) 285-311, and E. Delaruelle, The Crusading Idea in Cluniac Literature in N. Hunt (ed.), Cluniac Monasticism in the Central Middle Ages ( London, 1971), 191-216. Episodes which mark the emergence of a new form of militarism are discussed by H. E. J. Cowdrey, "Pope Gregory VII's Crusading Plan of 1074" in Prawer, Outremer (see iv below) 27-40; I. S. Robinson , "Gregory VII and the Soldiers of Christ", History 58 ( 1973) 16992; and H. E. J. Cowdrey, "The Mahdia Campaign of 1087", EHR 92 ( 1977) 1-29.

iv. The First Crusade.
For the bibliography of the crusades as a whole, see H. E. Mayer, Bibliographie zur Geschichte der Kreuzziige ( Hanover, 1960). The best general histories are by Mayer, The Crusades ( Oxford, 1972), and J. Riley-Smith, The Crusades ( London, 1987). There is a full narrative account by S. Runciman, A History of the Crusades, 3 vols. ( Cambridge, 1951-4), and a long series of studies edited by K. M. Setton, A History of the Crusades, 5 vols. ( Wisconsin, 1962-85). There are valuable studies in P. M. Holt (ed.), The Eastern Mediterranean Lands in the Period of the Crusades ( Warminster, 1977); J. Prawer, Crusader Institutions ( Oxford, 1980); Outremer: Studies in the History of the Crusading Kingdom of Jerusalem presented to Joshua Prawer ( Jerusalem, 1982); and Crusade and Settlement, First Conference of the Society for the Study of the Crusades and the Latin East, ed. P. W. Edbury ( Cardiff, 1985). The impact of the experience of the First Crusade on western thinking has been examined in a crucial article by E. O. Blake , "The Formation of the Crusade Idea", JEH 21 ( 1970) 11-31, and now by J. Riley-Smith in The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading ( London, 1986). He has also provided an interesting introduction to the ideas underlying the crusades in What were the Crusades? ( London, 1977), and (jointly with L. Riley-Smith) an excellent collection of translated documents in The Crusades: Ideas and Reality ( London, 1981). See also the essays by E. Delaruelle in the collection L'idée de croisade au Moyen Âge ( Turin, 1980). For the evolution of the western understanding of Islam, one should begin with R. W. Southern, Western Views of Islam in the Middle Ages ( Cambridge, Mass., 1962), and M. T. d'Alverny, "La connaissance de l'Islam en occident du IXe au milieu du XIIe siècle", SSCISAM 12 ( 1965) 577-602, 791-803. The tradition of lives of Mahomet in the west is lucidly traced in Y. G. Lepage (ed.), Le roman de Mahomet de Alexandre du Pont ( Paris, 1977), and there are further studies by N. Daniel, Heroes and Saracens: a Reinterpretation of the chansons de geste ( Edinburgh, 1982); J. Bray, "The Mohammetan and Idolatry", SCH 21 ( 1984) 89-98; and M. Bennett, "First Crusaders' images of Muslims: the influence of vernacular poetry?", Forum for Modern Language Studies 22/2 ( 1986) 101-22.

Chapter 7: The Conflict Renewed 1099-1122 i. Paschal II.
The most basic recent work is that by C. Servatius, Paschalis II: Studien zu seiner Person und seiner Politik ( Stuttgart, 1979). For a good bibliographical review, see G. M. Cantarella, "Le vicende di Pasquale II nella recente storiografia", RSCI 35 ( 1981) 486-504. There is a valuable work on the second phase of the Investiture Contest by M. Minninger, Von Clermont zum Wormser Konkordat ( Cologne, 1978); and (in spite of a slightly misleading title) F.-J. Schmale's article "Papsttum und Kurie zwischen Gregor VII und Innocenz II", HZ 193 ( 1961) 265-85, is very perceptive on relations with the empire. Paschal's attitude to papal authority is examined in important studies by U-R. Blumenthal, "Paschal II and the Roman Primacy", AHP 16 ( 1978) 67-92, and G. M. Cantarella, Ecclesiologia e politica nel papato di Pasquale II ( Rome, 1982). The policy of the early years is illuminated by U.-R. Blumenthal, The Early Councils of Pope Paschal II, 1100-10 ( Toronto, 1978), and its further development by M. J. Wilks, "Ecclesiastica and regalia: Papal Investiture Policy 1006-23", SCH 8 ( 1971) 6985. There are perceptive examinations of imperialist policy by A. Waas, Heinrich V: Gestalt und Verhängnis des letzten salischen Kaisers ( Munich, 1967), and K. Leyser, "England and the Empire in the Early Twelfth Century", TRHS V. 10 ( 1960) 61-83. The crisis of 1111-12 has naturally attracted a great deal of attention from historians. Important among the analyses are P. R. McKeon, "The Lateran Council of 1112, the Heresy of Lay Investiture and the excommunication of Henry V", Medievalia et Humanistica 17 ( 1966) 3-12; P. Zerbi, Pasquale II e l'ideale della poverta della chiesa ( Milan, 1966); S. Chodorow, "Ideology and Canon Law in the Crisis of 1111", ICMCL 4 ( 1976) 55-80; U-R. Blumenthal, Patrimonia and Regalia in 1111 in Law, Church and Society: Essays in Honour of Stephan Kuttner, ed. K. Pennington and R. Sommerville ( Pennsylvania, 1977) 9-20, and 'Opposition to Paschal II, AHC 10 ( 1978) 82-98; and M. Stroll, "NewPerspectives on the Struggle between Guy of Vienne and Henry V", Perspectives on the Struggle between Guy of Vienne and Henry V', AHP 18 ( 1980) 97-115.

The background of church-state relations in England before the conflict over investitures is best approached through M. Gibson, Lanfranc of Bec ( Oxford, 1978) and also The Letters of Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, ed. and tr. by V. H. Clover and M. Gibson ( Oxford, 1979). On the conflict itself there is N. F. Cantor, Church, Kingship and Lay Investiture in England 1089- 1135 ( Princeton, 1958), and a judicious study of Henry I's government of the church by M. Brett, The English Church under Henry I ( Oxford, 1975). R. W. Southern's Saint Anselm and his Biographer ( Cambridge, 1963), is a really outstanding book; some of its views have been challenged by S. Vaughn in "S. Anselm of Canterbury: the Philosopher-saint as Politician", JMH 1 ( 1975) 279-305, and "S. Anselm and the English Investiture Controversy Reconsidered", JMH 6 ( 1980) 61-86. On France there is M. Pacaut , "L'investiture en France au début du XIIe siècle", Le Bras i. 665-72 and A. Becker, Studien zum Investiturstreit in Frankreich 1049- 1119 ( Saarbrücken, 1955). H. Hoffmann, "Ivo von Chartres und die Lösung des Investiturproblems", DAEM 15 ( 1959) 393-440, is important for the settlement in both countries.

ii. The Concordat of Worms.
The classic history of Pope Calixtus II is still U. Robert , Histoire du pape Calixte II ( Paris, 1891), but there are important revisions by S. A. Chodorow, "Ecclesiastical Politics and the Ending of the Investiture Contest", Speculum 46 ( 1971) 613-40; R. Somerville, "The Councils of Pope Calixtus II: Reims 1119", ICMCL 5 ( 1976) 35-50; and M. Stroll , "Calixtus II: a Reinterpretation of his Election and the End of the Investiture Contest", Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 3 ( 1980) 153. P. Classen, "Das Wormser Konkordat in der deutschen Verfassungsgeschichte", VuF 17 ( 1973) 411-60, is a truly magisterial survey, and H. Btittner , "Erzbischof Adalbert von Mainz, die Kurie und das Reich" in the same volume 395-410 is also important. W. Fritz provides a useful collection of the relevant texts, taken from the MGH editions, in Die Quellen zum Wormser Konkordat ( Berlin, 1955).

iii. Papal Administration.
Karl Jordan began a new period in the study of its development under the reforming popes in "Die Entstehung der rémischen Kurie", ZSSRGkA 59 ( 1939) 97-152, and "Die päpstliche Verwaltung im Zeitalter Gregors VII", S. Greg.I ( 1947) 111-35. J. Sydow, "Untersuchungen zur kurialen Verwaltungsgeschichte im Zeitalter des Reformpapsttums", DAEM 11 ( 1954/5) 18-73, and R. Elze, "Das sacrum palatium lateranense im 10. und 11. Jh", S. Greg. 4 ( 1952) 27-54, extended his findings, while E. Pasztor reviewed the development of the papal curia in interesting articles in MCSM 7 ( 1974) 490-504 and S. Greg. 10 ( 1975) 317-39, where she (perhaps questionably) traces the beginnings of a curia-type structure as early as Alexander II. R. L. Poole's book, Lectures on the History of the Papal Chancery ( Cambridge, 1915), remains a model of the exposition of complex material, and P. Rasbiskaus, "Die römische Kuriale in der päpstlichen Kanzlei", Miscellanea Historiae Pontificiae 20 ( 1958) goes far beyond the script into the broader history of the chancery. On the papal chapel, the study by R. Elze, "Die pöpstliche Kapelle im 12 und 13 Jh.", ZSSRGkA 67 ( 1950) 145-204, has now been expanded by S. Haider, "Zu den Anföngen der pöpstlichen Kapelle", MIOG 87 ( 1979) 38-70. On finance under the reforming popes, there are two studies of particular importance: K. Jordan, "Zur pöpstlichen Finanzgeschichte im 11 und 12 Jh", QFIAB 25 ( 1933-4) 61104, and J. Sydow, "Cluny und die Anfönge der apostolischen Kammer", Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benedikter-Ordens 63 ( 1951) 45-66. D. B. Zema probably gives too much credit to Gregory VII as a financial reformer in his articles, "Reform Legislation in the Eleventh Century and its Economic Import", Catholic Historical Review 27 ( 1941) 16-38, and "Economic Reorganization of the Roman See during the Gregorian Reform", S. Greg. ( 1947) 137-68.

The growth of the college of cardinals was worked out by H. W. Klewitz in his essential article, "Die Entstehung des Kardinalkollegiums", ZSSRGkA 25 ( 1936) 115-221 and in his Reformpapsttum und Kardinalkolleg ( Darmstadt, 1957); to which should be added S. Kuttner, "Cardinalis: the History of a Canonical Concept", Traditio 3 ( 1945) 121-214. The series of studies by C. G. Fürst, Cardinalis: Prolegomena zu einer Rechtsgeschichte des römischen Kardinalskollegiums ( Munich, 1967), does not go far into our period, but provides valuable background; and biographical information is provided in the excellent book by R. Hills, Kardinöle, Klerus und Kirchen Roms 1049-1130 ( Tübingen, 1977). A broad discussion of the nature of the office is provided by G. Alberigo, Cardinalato e collegialità: studi sull'ecclesiologia tra l'XI e il XIV secolo ( Florence, 1969); to which M. Fois puts forward an alternative interpretation in articles in AHP 10 ( 1972) 25-105 and 14 ( 1976) 383-416.

iv. The Achievement of the Papal Reform Movement. The assessment of this has to be based on works already mentioned, and others listed in the next section.

PART II: THE GROWTH OF CHRISTENDOM (1122-98)

In addition to the general works mentioned at the beginning of the bibliography, there are good surveys of this period by S. R. Packard, Twelfth-century Europe an Interpretative Essay ( Amherst, 1973), and P. Zerbi, Tra Milano e Cluny: momenti di vita e cultura ecclesiastica nel secolo XII ( Rome, 1978). It was the book of C. H. Haskins, The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century ( Cambridge, Mass., 1927), which established this concept as an historical category, and its development in modern scholarship is recorded in the magnificent collection edited by R. L. Benson and G. Constable, Renaissance and Renewal in the sTwelfth Century ( Oxford, 1982). C. Brooke has provided a more popular survey in The Twelfth Century Renaissance ( London, 1969), and there are other collections by M. de Gandillac and E. Jeauneau , Entretiens sur la renaissance du XIIe siècle ( Paris, 1968), and P. Weimar , Die Renaissance der Wissenschaften im 12 Jh. ( Zürich, 1981). The awareness of a changing culture was sometimes expressed in a contrast between 'modern' and 'ancient' writers: see the collection of studies edited by A. Zimmermann, Antiqui und Moderni: Traditionsbewusstsein und Fortschrittbewusstsein im spöten Mittelalter, Misc.Med. 9 ( Berlin, 1974), and articles by B. Smalley, "Ecclesiastical Attitudes to Novelty c. 1100-1250", SCH 12 ( 1975) 113-31, and M. T. Clanchy, "Moderni in Education and Government in England", Speculum 50 ( 1975) 671-88. On two characteristic themes of the period see E. Jeauneau, "Nains et géants", in Gandillac- Jeauneau (above) 21-38; and A. G. Jongkees, "Translatio studii: les avateurs d'un thème médiéval", Miscellanea mediaevalia in memoriam J. F. Niermeyer ( Groningen, 1967).

Chapter 8. The Roman Church and the Empire in the Twelfth Century
i. After the Concordat of Worms.
The interpretation of the schism of 1130 as a split between old Gregorians and the new ideas of Haimeric's party was first offered in the important article of H.-W. Klewitz, "Das Ende des Reformpapsttums", DAEM 3 ( 1939) 372-412. This view was elaborated in F.-J. Schmale, Studien zum Schisma des Jahres 1130 ( Cologne-Graz, 1961) and (with fewer reservations) in H. Bloch, "The Schism of Anacletus II and the Glanfeuil Forgeries", Traditio 8 ( 1952) 159-264, and S. Chodorow, Christian Political Theory and Church Politics in the mid-twelfth Century ( Berkeley, 1972); on which, see the review by R. L. Benson in Speculum 50 ( 1975) 97-106. This approach has been criticized by M. Stroll, The Jewish Pope (Leiden, 1987), and W. Maleczek, "Das Kardinalskollegium unter Innocenz II und Anacletus II", AHP 19 ( 1981) 2778. P. Classen has examined the early career of Anastasius IV in QFIAB 48 ( 1968) 36-63. F.-J. Schmale rejected the early letters of Innocent II to Germany in "Die Bemühungen InnozenzII um seine Anerkennung in Deutschland", ZKg 65 ( 1953-4) 240-69, but evidence to the contrary is provided in M. da Bergamo, "Osservazioni sulle fonti per la duplice elezione papale del 1130", Aevum 39 ( 1965) 45-65 and R. Somerville , "Pope Honorius II, Conrad of Hohenstaufen and Lothar III", AHP 10 ( 1972) 341-6. On the acceptance of Innocent in France there is A. Grabois , "Le schisme de 1130 et la France", RHE 76 ( 1981) 593-612 and T. Reuter , "Zur Anerkennung Papst Innozenz' II", DAEM 39 ( 1983) 395-416. There is still much of value in H. Gleber, Papst Eugen III ( Jena, 1936). A. Verrycken has written a stimulating article on Wibald of Stavelot, "Au service de l'Empire ou de la papauté", RHE 73 ( 1978); and F.-J. Jakobi a fine book, Wibald von Stablo und Corvey ( Münster, 1979). Much the best study of Lothar's relationship with the church is now M.-L. Crone, Untersuchungen zur Reichskirchenpolitik Lothars III zwischen reichskirchlicher Tradition und Reformkurie ( Frankfurt, 1982). The policy of Conrad III is surveyed by F. Geldner, "Zur neuen Beurteilung König Konrads III", Monumentum Bamburgense; Festgabe für B. Kraft ( Munich, 1955), 395-412.

ii. Frederick I and the Renewal of the Empire. The most convenient collection of studies on relevant aspects of Frederick I is Friedrich Barbarossa ed. by G. Wolf , Wege der Forschung 390 ( Darmstadt, 1975), and the main English life is P. Munz, Frederick Barbarossa ( London, 1969), although I have not followed his analysis of the development of Frederick's policy. The opening years of the reign are closely studied by M. Maccarrone, Papato e impero dalla elezione di Federico I alla morte di Adriano IV ( Rome, 1959), and have more recently been discussed by O. Engels, "Zum Konstanzer Vertrag von 1153", Deus qui mutat tempora: Menschen und Institutionen im Wandel des Mittelalters: Festschrift für Alfons Becker ( Sigmaringen, 1987), 235-58. The imperial ideology is analysed in an important article by R. L. Benson, "Political Renovatio: Two Models from Roman Antiquity", RR 339-86, and also by P. Rassow, Honor Imperii, new edn. ( Munich, 1961). Frederick's religious convictions are examined by F. Opll, Amator Ecclesiarum: Studien zur religiösen Haltung Friedrich Barbarossas, MIOG 88 ( 1980) 70-93. The affair at Sutri is the subject of a classic debate beginning with R. Holtzmann, Der Kaiser als Marschall des Papstes, ( Berlin, 1928), and followed by E. Eichmann in HZ 142 ( 1930) 16-40, with a reply in HZ 145 ( 1932) 301-50. On Besançon, see W. Ullmann, "Cardinal Roland and Besanqon", Miscellanea Historiae Pontificae 18 ( 1954) 107-25, and especially W. Heinerneyer, "Beneficium -- non feudum", Archiv für Diplomatik 15 ( 1969) 155-236.

iii. The Alexandrine Schism.
The two standard books with which to start are M. W. Baldwin, Alexander III and the Twelfth Century ( New Jersey, 1968), and M. Pacaut, Alexandre III: étude sur la conception du pouvoir pontifical dans sa pensée et dans son œuvre ( Paris, 1956); and more recently there is F. Liotta (ed.), Miscellanea Rolando Bandinelli, papa Alessandro III ( Siena, 1986). On the important question of his legal education, see J. T. Noonan, Who was Rolandus?, Law, Church and Society: Essays in Honour of Stephan Kuttner, ed. K. Pennington and R. Somerville ( Pennsylvania, 1977) 21-48, and R. Weigand , "M. Rolandus und Papst Alexander III", Archiv für katholisches Kirchenrecht 149 ( 1980) 3-44. The contemporary biography of Alexander exists in English translation by G. M. Ellis, Boso's Life of Alexander III ( Oxford, 1973). The two best studies of the origins of the schism are those by W. Madertoner, Die zwiespältige Papstwahl des Jahres 1159 ( Vienna, 1978), and T. A. Reuter, "The Papal Schism, the Empire and the West" (unpublished University of Oxford D. Phil. thesis, 1975). The recognition of Alexander in England and France is complicated by dating problems. These may be studied in M. G. Cheney, "The Recognition of Pope Alexander III", EHR 84 ( 1969) 474-97; P. Classen, "Das Konzil von Toulouse 1160, eine Fiktion", DAEM 29 ( 1973) 220-3; and R. Somerville, Pope Alexander III and the Council of Tours ( Los Angeles, 1977). There is a brilliant summary of Alexander's policy by G. Tabacco, "Empirismo politico e fiessibilità ideologica", Bollettino Storico-bibliografico Subalpino 81 ( 1983) 239-46. On the position at Rome during the schism, there is interesting material in A. Wilmart, "Nouvelles de Rome au temps d'Alexandre III", Revue Bénédictine 45 ( 1933) 62-78, and J. Petersohn, "Papstschisma und Kirchenfrieden: De vera pace contra schisma sedis apostolicae aus dem Jahre 1171", QFIAB 59 ( 1979) 158-97.

iv. The Papacy under Pressure.
There is a good general survey of this period in P. Zerbi, Papato, impero e respublica christiana dal 1187 al 1198 ( Milan, 1955). The crucial events at Verona are well examined by G. Baaken, "Unio regni ad imperium: die Verhandlungen von Verona 1184", QFIAB 52 ( 1972) 219-97, and the background by H. Wolter, "Die Verlobung Heinrichs VI mit Konstanze von Sizilien im Jahre 1184", HJb 105 ( 1985) 30-51. On Clement III see V. Pfaff, "Papst Clemens III", ZSSRGkA 97 ( 1980) 261-316 and W. Maleczek in LdM ii. 2140-1. The pontificate of Celestine III is well surveyed in V. Pfaff, "Das Papsttum in der Weltpolitik des endenden XII Jhs", MIOG 82 ( 1974) 338-76; see also his articles in ZSSRGkA 78 ( 1961) 109-28 and 91 ( 1974) 121-167, L. Vones in LdM iii.4-7, and K. Baaken, "Zur Wahl, Weihe und Krönung Papst Cölestins III", DAEM 41 ( 1985) 203-11. The classic discussions of Haller, Pfaff and others on the papal-imperial negotiations of 1196 are summarized and updated in G. Baaken, "Die Verhandlungen zwischen Kaiser Heinrich VI und Papst Coelestin III", DAEM 27 ( 1971) 457-513. The dispute at Liège is discussed by R. H. Schmandt, "The election and assassination of Albert of Louvain", Speculum 42. ( 1967) 639-60, and B. Smalley, The Becket Conflict and the Schools ( Oxford, 1973), 208-15.

Chapter 9: The Government of the Church in the Twelfth Century
i. The Concept of Papal Authority. There are two outstanding general studies on this subject: Y. Congar, L'église: de S. Augustin ° l'époque moderne, Histoire des dogmes ( Paris, 1970) and B. Tierney, Foundations of the Conciliar Theory ( Cambridge, 1955). In addition there are useful discussions of papal titles and prerogatives, including M. Maccarrone, Vicarius Christi: storia del titolo papale ( Rome, 1952), and an article, which is not always given the attention it deserves, by M. Wilks, "The apostolicus and the Bishop of Rome", Journal of Theological Studies NS 13 ( 1962) 290-317 and 14 ( 1963) 31154. The development of the concept of plenitude of power is examined by J. Rivière , "In pattern sollicitudinis. Évolution d'une formule pontificale", Revue des sciences religieuses 5 ( 1925) 210-31, and R. L. Benson, "Plenitudo potestatis:Evolution of a Formula" Evolution of a Formula, S. Grat. 14 ( 1967) 193-217. The idea of the status ecclesie and its importance for papal theory is considered in J. Hackett, "The State of the Church: a Concept of the Medieval Canonists", The Jurist 23 ( 1963) 259-90, and Y. Congar, "Status ecclesie", S. Grat. 15 ( 1972) 1-31. On the two-sword theory there is W. Levison, "Die mittelalterliche Lehre von den beiden Schwerten", DAEM 9 ( 1951-2) 14-42; J. Leclerc, "L'argument des deux glaives", Recherches de Science Religieuse 21 ( 1931) 299-339; and H.- X. Arquillière , "Origines de la théorie des deux glaives", S. Greg. 1 ( 1947) 501-21. The medieval ignorance of the case of Pope Honorius, so important in later controversy, is explained by G. Kreuzer, Die Honoriusfrage im Mittelalter und in der Neuzeit ( Stuttgart, 1975). The influential De consideratione of Bernard of Clairvaux has been examined by many scholars and its idea of the papacy diversely interpreted. See for example E. Kennan, "The De consideratione of S. Bernard of Clairvaux and the Papacy: a Review of Scholarship", Traditio 23 ( 1967) 73-115; J. W. Gray, "The Problem of Papal Power in the Ecclesiology of S. Bernard", TRHS V 24 ( 1974) 1-17; and B. Jacqueline , Episcopat et papauté chez S. Bernard de Clairvaux ( Saint-Lô, 1975).

ii. The Exercise of Papal Power.
The starting-point for the college of cardinals in the twelfth century is W. Maleczek, Papst und Kardinalskolleg von 1191 bis 1216 ( Vienna, 1984), which surveys the whole century and provides an excellent bibliography. The theory of the cardinal's office is examined in an interesting article by J. Lecler, "Pars corporis papae: le sacré collège dans l'ecclésiologie médiévale", Mélanges H. de Lubac ( Paris, 1964), ii. 183-98. The functioning of the cardinals is examined by J. von Sydow in "Il concistorium dopo lo schisma del 1130", RSCI 9 ( 1955) 165-76. For other works on cardinals, see ch. 7.iii above. The emergence of delegate jurisdiction may be studied in works on some of the leading judges themselves, notably A. Morey , Bartholomew of Exeter ( Cambridge, 1967), A. Morey and C. N. L. Brooke , Gilbert Foliot and his Letters ( Cambridge, 1965), and M. Cheney, Roger Bishop of Worcester ( Oxford, 1980). There are some interesting observations on the early stages by D. Lohrmann, "Papstprivileg und päpstliche Delegationsgerichtsbarkeit im nördlichen Frankreich", ICMCL 6 ( 1985) 535-50. Although their main subject is the period after 1200, two studies are also of importance for the twelfth century: J. E. Sayers, Papal Judges Delegate in the Province of Canterbury 1198-1254 ( Oxford, 1971), and E. Pitz, "Die römische Kurie als Thema der vergleichenden Sozialgeschichte", QFIAB 58 ( 1978) 216-359. Relations between curia and provinces are reviewed by V. Pfaff, "Der Widerstand der Bischöfe gegen den päpstlichen Zentralismus um 1200", ZSSRGkA 97 ( 1980) 459-65.

On finance, the classic books are by W. E. Lunt, Papal Revenues in the Middle Ages ( New York, 1934), and Financial Relations of England and the Papacy to 1327 ( Cambridge, Mass., 1939), to which should be added V. Pfaff , "Die Einnahmen der rÖmischen Kurie am Ende des 12 Jhs", Vierteljahresschrift für Sozialwissenschaft und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 40 ( 1953) 97118 and "Aufgaben und Probleme der päpstlichen Finanzverwaltung am Ende des 12 Jhs", MIOG 64 ( 1956) 1-24. On the earlier books prepared by chamberlains, see W. Maleczek, "Boso", LdM ii. 478-9, and U.-R. Blumenthal, "Cardinal Albinus of Albano and the Digesta pauperis scolaris Albini", AHP 20 ( 1983) 7-50. The standard edition of Cencius is by P. Fabre and L. Duchesne , Le Liber Censuum de l'église romaine ( Paris, 1910), and there are recent discussions by T. Schmidt in QFIAB 60 ( 1980) 511-22 and T. Montecchi Palazzi in Mélanges de l'école française de Rome 96 ( 1984) 49-93, where the development of the cameral literature is surveyed. There are excellent brief introductions to councils in the period by G. Fransen , "Papes, conciles généraux et oecuméniques" , and R. Foreville, "Royaumes, métropolitains et conciles provinciaux" in MCSM VII ( 1974) 203-28 and 272-315; for Third Lateran see J. Longère (ed), La troisième concile de Latran ( Paris, 1982). The best starting-point for the study of legates is W. Janssen, Die päpstlichen Legaten in Frankreich 1130-98 ( Cologne, 1961). On the growth of papal power in canonization processes, there is E. W. Kemp , Canonization and Authority in the Western Church ( Oxford, 1948), and R. Foreville, "Canterbury et la canonisation des saints au XIIe siècle", Tradition and Change; Essays in Honour of Marjorie Chibnall ( Cambridge, 1985), 63-75.

iii. The Pastorate of the Bishops. The episcopal office can be studied from general books on the institutions of the church, and there is a particularly fine collection of studies in Le istituzioni ecclesiastiche della societas christiana dei secoli XI-XII, MCSM 8 ( 1977). For the particular question of the restitution of churches it is necessary to turn to a series of local studies, among them A. Chédeville for Le Mans in CCM 3 ( 1960) 209-17; B. Chevalier for Tours in Études de civilisation médiévale: mélanges offerts ° E.-R. Labande ( Poitiers, 1975), 129-44; G. Devailly for Berry and Brittany in Bulletin Philologique et Historique 1968 ( 1971) ii. 583-97; and W. Ziezulewicz for St Florent, Saumur, in RB 96 ( 1986) 106-17. Another series well worth consulting is the Histoire des diocèses de France directed by B. Plongeron and A. Vauchez, Paris (in course of publication). See also B. Guillemain, "Les origines des évêques en France aux Xle et Xlle siècles", MCSM 7 ( 1974) 374-407. On the ideal of the bishop, see C. B. Bouchard, Spirituality and Administration: the Role of the Bishop in Twelfth-century Auxerre ( Cambridge, Mass., 1979). Electoral procedures have been the subject of some valuable studies during the past thirty years. Notable among them are R. L. Benson, The Bishopelect: a Study in Medieval Ecclesiastical Office ( Princeton, 1968), who has also provided an excellent outline, "Election by community and chapter", The Jurist 31 ( 1971) 54-80. On a series of technical aspects of the development there are good discussions by K. Ganzer, "Zur Beschränkung der Bischofswahl auf die Domkapitel", ZSSRGkA 57/ 88 ( 1971) 22-82 and 58 89 ( 1972) 166-97; H. Müller, Der Anteil der Laien an den Bischofswahl ( Amsterdam, 1977); and J. Gaudemet, "Unanimité et majorité", Études historiques ° N. Didier ( Paris, 1960), 149-62. On episcopal elections in France, see P. Imbart de la Tour, Les élections épiscopales dans l'église de France du IXe au XIIe siècle ( Paris, 1891); M. Pacaut, Louis VII et les élections épiscopales dans le royaume de France ( Paris, 1957); and G. Constable, "The disputed election at Langres in 1138", Traditio 13 ( 1957) 119-52.

iv. Churches and Kingdoms. The impact of Gregorian ideas is discussed in an excellent article by B. Töpfer, "Tendenzen zur Entsakralisierung der Herrscherwürde in der Zeit des Investiturstreites", Jahrbuch für Geschichte des Feudalismus 6 ( 1982) 163-72, The policy of Suger is examined in M. Aubert, Suger ( St Wandrille, 1950); G. M. Spiegel, "The cult of S. Denis and Capetian kingship", JMH 1 ( 1975) 43-69; R. J. Braud, "Suger and the Making of the French Nation" ( University of Southwestern Louisiana D. Phil Thesis, 1977); and (on the Donation of Charlemagne) C. van de Kieft , "Deux diplômes faux de Charlemagne au XIIe siècle", MA 13 ( 1958) 401-36. The classic discussion on Louis VII is M. Pacaut, Louis VII et son royaume ( Paris, 1964). The control of the Sicilian kings over the church is analysed in E. Caspar, "Die Legatengewalt der normannisch-sicilischen Herrscher im 12 Jh", QFIAB 7 ( 1904) 189-219; J. Déer, "Der Anspruch der Herrscher des 12 Jhs auf die apostolische Legation", AHP 2 ( 1964) 117-86; S. Fodale , Comes et Legatus Siciliae ( Palermo, 1970); and G. A. Loud, "Royal Control of the Church in the Twelfth-Century Kingdom of Sicily", SCH 18 ( 1982)147-60.

The transformation of the church in Ireland is covered in the first chapters of the excellent book by J. A. Watt, The Church and the Two Nations in Medieval Ireland ( Cambridge, 1970). See also the articles by J. G. Barry, "Monasticism and Religious Organization in Rural Ireland", MCSM 8 ( 1977) 406-15 and P. Sheehy, "The Bull Laudabiliter", Galway Arch. & Hist. Soc. Journal 29 ( 1961) 45-70. The huge output of contemporary work on the Becket controversy can be consulted in Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, ed. J. C. Robertson, 7 vols. RS 67 ( London, 1875-85). Modern historians have been equally profuse, and one can only suggest the key works of D. Knowles, Thomas Becket ( London, 1970); B. Smalley, The Becket Conflict and the Schools ( Oxford, 1973); and C. N. L. Brooke, Gilbert Foliot and his Letters ( Cambridge, 1965). The criminous clerk dispute is reassessed in C. Duggan, "The Becket dispute and criminous clerks", Bulletin of The Institute of Historical Research 35 ( 1962) 1-28, and R. M. Fraher , "The Becket Dispute and Two Decretist Traditions", JMH 4 ( 1978) 347-68. On the consequences of Becket's death there is an overview in C. R. Cheney , From Becket to Langton: English Church Government 1170-1213 ( Manchester, 1956). M. Howell's Regalian Right in medieval England ( London, 1962), gives valuable information about the royal exploitation of the church.

Chapter 10: The New Monastic Orders For general books about monasticism, see under Chapter 3 above.

i. From Hermitage to Monastery. The emergence of organized religious movements (whether catholic or heretical) from the earlier groups of hermits is the subject of a classic book by H. Grundmann, Religiöse Bewegungen im Mittelalter ( Berlin, 1935), with a supplement in AKg 37 ( 1955) 129-82, and of a very useful survey by B. Bolton, The Medieval Reformation ( London, 1983). In addition to relevant studies already mentioned in ch. 3.iii, there are valuable articles by P. Zerbi, "Vecchio e nuovo monachesimo alla metà del secolo XII", MCSM 9 ( 1980) 3-26, and Ilarino da Milano, "Vita evangelica e vita apostolica nell'azione dei riformisti sul papato del secolo XII" in Problemi di storia della chiesa ( Milan, 1976), 2172.

There are many good studies on the evolution of hermit life in our period in L'eremitismo in occidente nei secoli XI e XII, MCSM 4 ( 1965). Among the Italian hermit-orders, the classic history of Camaldoli was written by J. B. Mittarelli and A. Costadoni, Annales Camaldulenses, 9 vols. ( Venice, 1755-), and its history has been discussed by W. Kurze, "Zur Geschichte Camaldolis im Zeitalter der Reform", MCSM 6 ( 1971) 399-415. For Fonte Avellana one should now go to the publications of the Centro di Studi Avellaniti, especially vols. ii-vi ( 1978-83); and there is an important source published by C. Pierucci and A. Polverari, Carte di Fonte Avellana 2 Vols. ( Rome, 1972-7). On its greatest figure, Peter Damian, see ch. 3.iii above. There are good modern studies of Vallombrosa by S. Boesch Gajano, "Storia e tradizione Vallombrosane", Bullettino dell'Istituto Storico Italiano 76 ( 1964) 99-215; D. Meade, "From Turmoil to Regularity: the Emergence of the Vallombrosan Congregation", American Benedictine Review 19 ( 1968) 32357; P. Di Re, Giovanni Gualberto nelle fonti dei secoli XI-XII ( Rome, 1974); and A. Degl'Innocenti, "Le vite antiche di Giovanni Gualberto", Studi Medievali iii. 25 ( 1985) 31-91. Among the many studies of hermits whose form of life was not shaped by any rule, may be recommended G. Penco, "L'eremitismo irregolare in Italia nei secoli XI-XII", Benedictina 32 ( 1985) 201-21; F. Cardini, Leggenda di S. Galgano confessore ( Florence, 1982); H. Grundmann, "Deutsche Eremiten, Einsiedler und Klausner im Hochmittelalter", AKg 45 ( 1963) 60-90; G. Oury, "L'érémitisme dans l'ancien diocèse de Tours au XIIe siècle", Rev. Mabillon 58 ( 1971) 43-92; A. K. Warren , Anchorites and their Patrons in Medieval England ( London, 1985); H. Mayr-Harting , "Functions of a twelfth-century recluse (Wulfric of Haselbury)", History 60 ( 1975) 337-52; and C. J. Holdsworth, "Christina of Markyate", SCH Subsidia 1 ( 1978) 185-204.

ii. The new orders.
Only a small selection can be given from the immense volume of writing inspired by the Cistercians during the past fifty years, a guide to which may be found in R. A. Donkin, A Check List of Printed Works relating to the Cistercian Order ( Rochefort, 1969). There is a good general introduction by L. J. Lekai, The Cistercians: Ideals and Reality (Kent, Ohio, 1977). The Atlas de l'ordre cistercien by F. van der Meer ( Amsterdam, 1965), contains valuable information, but see the "Kritische Bemerkungen" in Analecta Cisterciensia 22 ( 1966) 279-90 and 23 ( 1967) 115-52. There is a large volume of discussion in the Cistercian Studies series, published by Shannon Press, and including collected volumes of essays edited by M. B. Pennington (vols. iii, xii, and xiii, 1970-1). Other valuable studies were edited by K. Elm, Die Zisterzienser: Ordensleben zwischen Ideal und Wirklichkeit ( Cologne, 1982), an Ergänzungsband in support of an important exhibition. The best editions of the Cistercian constitutional documents in their fully developed form were by P. Guignard, Monuments primitifs de la Règle cistercienne ( Dijon, 1878), and J. M. Canivez, Statuta capitulorum generalium ordinis cisterciensis ( Louvain, 1933-41). Since that time the discovery of earlier texts has provoked a major controversy over the origins of the order, most notably between J. A. Lefèvre and J. B. Van Damme. The best starting places are now J.-B. Auberger, L'unanimité cistercienne primitive: mythe ou réalit?é ( Cîteaux, 1986), and B. K. Lackner, The Eleventh-century Background of Cîteaux, Cistercian Studies 8 ( Washington, 1972), and there is an excellent review of the issues by M. de Waha, "Aux origines de Cîteaux", in Lettres latines, ed. G. Cambier ( Brussels, 1978), 152-82. On the development of the lay brothers in their distinctive form, there is K. Hallinger, "Woher kommen die Laienbrüder?", Analecta Sacri Ordinis Cisterciensis 12 ( 1956) 1-104; J. Dubois and J. Leclercq in two articles in MCSM 5 ( 1968) 152-261; and M. Toepfer, Die Konversen der Zisterzienser ( Berlin, 1983). The expansion of the order has been the subject of many local studies such as R. Locatelli, "L'implantation cistercienne dans le comté de Bourgogne jusqu'au milieu du XIIe siècle", Cahiers d'Histoire 20 ( 1975) 167-225, as well as articles in the collections already mentioned, and R. A. Donkin provides factual details in a useful form in "The Growth and Distribution of the Cistercian Order in Medieval Europe" Studia Monastica 9 ( 1967) 275-86. The growth of Cistercian estates and their exploitation are examined in a wide range of articles, including the valuable survey by C. Higounet , "Le premier siècle de l'économie rurale Cistercienne", MCSM 9 ( 1980) 345-68, and R. A. Donkin, "Settlement and Depopulation on Cistercian estates", Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 33 ( 1960) 14165. D. Lohrmann, Kirchengut im nördlichen Frankreich ( Bonn, 1983), opens an interesting line of investigation into ecclesiastical property which provides a great deal of information about the holdings of the new orders.

The origins of Grandmont have been explored in a series of studies by J. Becquet; see particularly his edition of the Scriptores ordinis grandimontensis, CC(CM) 8 ( 1968), and "Etienne de Muret", Dictionnaire de Spiritualité iv. 2 ( 1961) 1504-14. Our image of the emergence of Fontevraud has been remade by J.-M. Bienvenu, "Aux origines d'un ordre religieux: Robert d'Arbrissel et la foridation de Fontevraud", Cahiers d'Histoire 20 ( 1975) 22752, and L'étonnant fondateur de Fontevraud, Robert d'Arbrissel ( Paris, 1981); and by J. Dalarun, L'impossible sainteté: la vie retrouvée de Robert d'Arbrissel ( Paris, 1985). J. J. van Moolenbroek, Vitalis van Savigny ( Amsterdam, 1982), is based on a good critical study of the sources. The classic study of Carthusian history is C. Le Couteulx, Annales ordinis Cartusiensis, ed. C. Boutrais , 8 vols. ( Montreuil sur Mer, 1888). A major collection of material by M. Laporte, "Aux sources de la vie cartusienne" , unfortunately remains unpublished, but it has been used by A. Ravier, S. Bruno: le premier des ermites de Chartreuse ( Paris, 1967), and Laporte has written on Prior Guigo I in Dictionnaire de Spiritualité 6 ( 1967) 1169-75 and edited the Lettres des premiers Chartreux i, SC 88 ( 1962). Other important materials have been edited by J. Hogg, Die ältesten Consuetudines der Kartäuser, Analecta Cartuslana 1 ( 1970), and B. Bligny, Recueil des plus anciens actes de la GrandeChartreuse ( Grenoble, 1958). A series of studies has been edited by M. Zadnikar , Die Kartäuser ( Cologne, 1983), and there is a good introduction to Bruno by G. Binding in LdM ii. 788-90.

The significance of the regular canons for the history of the medieval church has only been fully realized in the course of the last forty years. There is an introductory article by C. Dereine in Dictionnaire d'histoire 40.xii ( 1953) 353-405; and further studies in La vita comune del clero nei secoli XI e XII, 2 vols. MCSM 3 ( 1962); F. Petit, La réforme des prêtres au Moyen Âge ( Paris, 1968), (a useful collection of texts); F. Poggiaspalla, La vita comune del clero dalle origini alla riforma gregoriana ( Rome, 1968); C. D. Fonseca, Medioevo canonicale ( Milan, 1970); and J. Becquet, La vie canoniale en France aux X-XIIe siècles ( London, 1985) (collected articles). The evolution from hermits to canons is examined by L. Milis in articles in MCSM 7 ( 1977) 223-38 and CCM 22 ( 1979) 39-80. The underlying texts are edited by L. Verheijen , La règle de S. Augustin, 2 vols. ( Paris, 1967). The support for canonical reform by the Gregorian papacy is well analysed by J. Leclercq, "Un témoignage sur l'influence de Grégoire VII dans la réforme canoniale", S. Greg. 6 ( 1959/61) 173-228, and H. Fuhrmann, "Papst Urban II und der Stand der Regularkanoniker", Sb Bayer. Akad. 1982, Heft 2. On the influence which the regular canons exercised in Germany there is an outstanding survey article by S. Weinfurter, "Reformkanoniker und Relchsepiskopat im Hochmittelalter", HJb 97-8 ( 1978) 158-93; see also his book, Salzburger Bistumsreform und Bischofspolitik im 12 Jh ( Cologne, 1975). The canons in England are the subject of the book by J. C. Dickinson, The Origins of the Austin Canons and their Introduction into England ( London, 1950), and also of D. M. Robinson, The Geography of Augustinian Settlement in Medieval England and Wales ( Oxford, 1980). The canons were subdivided into a series of groups or federations, whose history is also now under investigation. There is an excellent summary article by J. Châtillon, "La crise de l'église aux Xle et XIIe siècles et les origines des grandes fédérations canoniales", Revue d'histoire de la spiritualité 53 ( 1977) 3-45. The fullest history of one of these families is L. Milis, L'ordre des chanoines réguliers d'Arrouaise ( Bruges, 1969), and he has edited its constitutions in CC(CM) 20 ( 1970). There are useful short histories of the federations in the Dizionario di Istituzioni di Perfezione 2 ( 1975), and the Springiersbach constitutions are edited by S. Weinfurter in CC(CM) 48 ( 1977). The history of the Victorines was written much earlier by F. Bonnard, Histoire de l'abbaye royale et de l'ordre des chanoines réguliers de S. Victor de Paris, 2 vols. ( Paris, 1904-8); and its Liber Ordinis is edited in CC(CM) 61 ( 1984). The most separate of the families, consituting a monastic order in its own right, was that of Prémontré. Its houses are listed by N. Backmund, Monasticon Praemonstratense, 3 vols. ( Straubing, 1952-6 and rev. edn. of vol. i, Berlin, 1983); the statutes edited by P. F. Lefèvre and W. M. Grauwen ( Averbode, 1978). On the founder there is interesting work by S. Weinfurter, "Norbert von Xanten: Ordensstifter und Eigenkirchenherr", AKg 59 ( 1979) 66-98, and K. Elm (ed.), Norbert von Xanten: Adliger, Ordensstifter, Kirchenfürst ( Cologne, 1984). There is a good earlier study by H. M. Colvin, The White Canons in England ( Oxford, 1951). On the Gilbertines the basic work is now R. Foreville and G. Keir (eds.), The Book of S. Gilbert ( Oxford, 1987).

iii. Controversy and Criticism.
The links between the fall of Pons of Cluny, the papal schism of 1130, and the controversy between Cluniacs and Cistercians have been explored by H. V. White, "Pontius of Cluny, the curia romana and the end of Gregorianism in Rome", Church History 27 ( 1958) 159-219; G. Tellenbach, "Der Sturz des Abtes Pontius von Cluny und seine geschichtliche Bedeutung", QFIAB 42/ 3 ( 1964) 13-55; H. E. J. Cowdrey , "Abbot Pontius of Cluny", S. Greg. 11 ( 1978) 177-277; P. Zerbi, "Intorno allo scisma di Ponzio, abbate di Cluny", Studi . . . O. Bertolini ( Pisa, 1972), ii. 835-91; and A. H. Bredero, Cluny et Cîteaux au XIIe siècle ( Amsterdam, 1985) (a revised collection of his articles). The letters of Peter the Venerable have been the subject of a splendid edition by G. Constable, 2 vols. ( Cambridge, Mass, 1967). The standard biography is J. Leclercq, Pierre le Vénérable ( St Wandrille, 1946), and there are important further studies in G. Constable and J. Kritzeck (eds.), Petrus Venerabilis 1156-1956 ( Rome, 1956); and Pierre Abélard -- Pierre le Vénérable ( Paris, 1972). The controversy is surveyed in a lecture by D. Knowles, Cistercians and Cluniacs ( Oxford, 1955). On the Dialogus, an important Cistercian pamphlet, there is R. B. C. Huygens, "Le moine Idung et ses deux ouvrages" ( Spoleto, 1980). The complicated question of the difference between monks and canons is explored by C. N. L. Brooke, "Monk and canon: some patterns in the religious life of the twelfth century", SCH 22 ( 1985) 109-30, and also by C. D. Fonseca, "Monaci e canonici alla ricerca di una identità", MCSM 9 ( 1980) 203-22. C. W. Bynum's Docere verbo et exemplo: an Aspect of Twetfth-century spirituality ( Missoula, 1979), is an interesting attempt to define the special characteristics of the canons. The most crucial issue between the two forms of religious life turned on the canons' claim that the cure of souls fell to them alone and that it represented a higher way of life than contemplation. The issue is explored by G. Schreiber, "Gregor VII, Cluny, Cîteaux, Prémontré zu Eigenkirche, Parochie, Seelsorge", ZSSRGkA 65 ( 1947) 31-171; P. Hofmeister, "Mönchtum und Seelsorge bis zum 13 Jh.", Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktinerordens 65 ( 1953-4) 209-73; F.-J. Schmale, "Kanonie, Seelsorge, Eigenkirche", HJb 78 ( 1959) 38-63; and K. Bosl, "Regularkanoniker (Augustinerchorherren) und Seelsorge in Kirche und Gesellschaft des europäischer XII Jhs", Abh. Bayer. Akad. NS 86 ( 1979) (but see Weinfurter's corrections in AKg 62/ 3 ( 1980/1) 381-95). An interesting contemporary commentary on the situation, the Libellus de diversis ordinibus, has been edited by G. Constable and B. Smith ( Oxford, 1972).

iv. The New Orders in Twelfth-century Society.
Bernard of Clairvaux stands at the centre of any modern discussion about the impact of the new orders on contemporaries, and the great volume of writing is listed by J. C. Bouton, Bibliographie bernardine ( Paris, 1957), with a supplementary bibliography to 1970 ( Rochefort, 1972). Important recent works include J. Leclercq, S. Bernard et l'esprit cistercien ( Paris, 1975), and Nouveau visage de Bernard de Clairvaux; approches psycho-historiques ( Paris, 1976); J. Calmette, S. Bernard ( Paris, 1979); E. R. Elder and J. R. Sommerfeldt (eds.), The Chimaera of his Age: Studies on Bernard of Clairvaux ( Kalamazoo, 1980); and G. R. Evans, The Mind of S. Bernard of Clairvaux ( Oxford, 1983). The impact of the Cistercians on the Church hierarchy is discussed in articles by J. Lipkin in The Chimaera of his Age, 62-75, and R. Crozet in CCM 18 ( 1975) 263-8.

Chapter 11: The Christian Frontier i. The Theory of Mission. An introductory account is provided in K. S. Latourette , A History of the Expansion of Christianity, vol. ii (500-1500) ( London, 1938), and there is much of interest in J. T. Addison, The Medieval Missionary (repr. Philadelphia, 1976). J. B. Friedman, The Monstrous Races in Medieval Art and Thought ( Cambridge, Mass., 1981), examines ideas of the world remote from western Europe, and includes a useful comment on the significance of the Vézelay tympanum. For differing views of this, see A. Katzenellenbogen , "The Central Tympanum at Vézelay", Art Bulletin 26 ( 1944) 141-51, and Taylor M. D., "The Pentecost at Vézelay", Gesta 19 ( 1980) 9-15. The evolution of the idea of Christendom as a distinct culture is discussed in a number of important works: D. Hay, Europe: the Emergence of an Idea 2nd edn. ( Edinburgh, 1968); P. Rousset, "La notion de Chrétientéaux XIe et XIIe siècles" aux XIe et XIIe siècles, MA 69 ( 1963) 191-203; J. Rupp, L'idée de Chrétienté dans la pensée pontificale des origines à Innocent III ( Paris, 1939); and (with particular reference to the growth of papal authority) J. van Laarhoven, "Christianitas et réforme grégorienne", S. Greg. 6 ( 1961) 1-98, and F. Kempf, "Das Problem der Christianitas im 12 und 13 Jh", HJb 79 ( 1960) 104-23.

ii. Scandinavia.
The most important source for the start of our period is Adam of Bremen, whose History of the Archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen is edited by B. Schmeidler ( Leipzig 1917) and translated by F. J. Tschan, ( New York, 1959). E. N. Johnson, "Adalbert of Hamburg-Bremen", Speculum 9 ( 1934) 147-79, provides a survey of the archbishop's career, and his plan for a patriarchate is studied by H. Fuhrmann, "Provincia constat duodecim episcopatibus", S. Grat. 11 ( 1967) 389-404. The classic account of the conversion of Norway is K. von Maurer, Die Bekehrung des norwegischen Stammes zum Christenthume, 2 vols. ( Munich, 1955-6), which contains a great amount of useful information. For other countries there are C. J. A. Oppermann , The English Missionaries in Sweden and Finland ( London, 1937), and D. Strömbäck, The Conversion of Iceland ( London, 1975). The problems of organizing the northern church are examined by W. Seegrün, Das Papsttum und Skandinavien bis zur Vollendung der nordischen Kirchenorganisation ( Neumünster, 1967); K. Haff, "Das Grosskirchspiel im nordischen und niederdeutschen Rechte", ZSSRGkA 63 ( 1943) 1-63; B. P. McGuire, The Cistercians in Denmark ( Kalamazoo, 1982); and K. Kumlien, "Mission und Kirchenorganisation zur Zeit der Christianisierung Schwedens", VuF 12 ( 1968)291-307.

iii. Eastern Europe.
The best general work on the conversion of the eastern Baltic is E. Christiansen, The Northern Crusades ( London, 1980). There are other discussions of importance in Eastern and Western Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. G. Barraclough ( London, 1970); and F. Graus, Die Nationenbildung der Westslaven im Mittelalter ( Sigmaringen, 1990), is a fine book with relevant material. For Poland, the best history to use is A. Gieysztor and others, History of Poland, 2nd edn. ( Warsaw, 1979). The unpublished University of Oxford D. Phil. thesis ( 1972) by B. Haronski, "Reform in the Polish Church of the Thirteenth Century", includes a very good discussion of Polish history in the preceding centuries. Still useful are P. David, "The Church in Poland from its Origin to 1250", Cambridge History of Poland i ( Cambridge, 1950), ch. 4, and Les Bénédictins et l'ordre de Cluny dans la Pologne médiévale ( Paris, 1939). J. Kloczowski provides a good survey in "La province ecclésiastique de la Pologne et ses evêques", MCSM 7 ( 1974) 437-44, and there are some outstanding essays by A. Gieysztor on the growth of culture and social structures: see, for example, MCSM 10 ( 1983) 123-45; SSCISAM 28 ( 1980) 925-61; and Studi in onore di A. Fanfani i ( Milan, 1962), 327-67. In spite of its importance, medieval Hungary has not attracted the same scholarly attention as Poland. Its most detailed history is B. Homan, Geschichte des ungarischen Mittelalters ( Berlin, 1940), and Z. J. Kosztolnyik has written on Five Eleventh-century Hungarian Kings ( Boulder, 1981). Also worth consulting are G. Bonis, "Die Entwicklung der gelstlichen Gerichtsbarkeit in Ungarn", ZSSRGkA 79 ( 1966) 174-235 and G. Székely, "Gemeinsame Züge der ungarischen und polnischen Kirchengeschichte des XI Jhs", Annales Univ. Scient. Budapestensis 4 ( 1962) 55-80.

Most of our information about the conversion of the Baltic Slavs is derived from Adam of Bremen (see above) and Helmold, Chronica Slavorum, ed. B. Schmeidler ( Hanover, 1937), and tr. F. J. Tschan ( New York, 1935). A collection of major articles has been edited by H. Beumann, Heidenmission und Kreuzzugsgedanke in der deutschen Ostpolitik des Mittelatters, Wege der Forschung 7 ( Bad Homburg, 1963). The process of conversion has been further examined by F. Lotter, Die Konzeption des Wendenkreuzzugs, VuF Sonderband 23 ( 1977) and "Bemerkungen zur Christiamsierung der Abodriten", Festschrift für Walter Schlesinger ii ( Cologne, 1974) 395-442. The obscurities of the 1108 appeal are examined by P. Knoch, "Kreuzzug und Siedlung: Studien zum Aufruf der Magdeburger Kirche von 1108", Jb. für die Geschichte Mittel- und Ostdeutschlands 23 ( 1974) 1-33. The sources for the great missionary bishop Otto of Bamberg are analysed in E. Demm , Reformmönchtum und Slawenmission im 12 Jh ( Lübeck, 1970); see also the article by J. Petersohn in DAEM 27 ( 1971) 314-72. There is a translation of some of the material by C. H. Robinson, The Life of Otto, Apostle of Pomerania ( London, 1920). The establishment of the church in the newly converted regions is studied by K. Jordan, Die Bistumsgründungen Heinrichs des Löwen, MGH Scriften 3 ( 1939); P. David, La Pologne et l'évangélisation de la Poméranie ( Paris, 1928); and G. Schlegel, Das Zisterzienserkloster Dargun ( Leipzig, 1980).

iv. The Defence of the Holy Sepulchre.
General histories of the crusades are mentioned in ch. 6.iv above. On the character of crusader society in Syria, there are excellent books by J. Prawer, The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem ( London, 1972); M. Benvenisti, The Crusaders in the Holy Land ( Jerusalem, 1970); J. Richard, The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem ( Amsterdam, 1979); and R. C. Smail, Crusading Warfare ( Cambridge, 1956). On the history of the Latin churches which they established, the best extended discussion is by B. Hamilton , The Latin Church in the Crusader States ( London, 1980), and valuable material is assembled by G. Fedalto, La chiesa latina in Oriente, 2 vols. ( Verona, 1973-6), and H. E. Mayer, Bistümer, Klöster und Stifte im Königreich Jerusalem ( Stuttgart, 1977). William of Tyre's History of Deeds done beyond the Sea is the best single source for the history of Outremer, and has been translated by E. A. Babcock and A. C. Krey, 2 vols. ( New York, 1943); there is in progress a new edition by H. C. Huygens, CC(CM) 63 ( 1986). On the growth of the pilgrimage to Jerusalem, see J. D. Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims before the Crusades ( Warminster, 1977); alestine Pilgrims' Text Society, esp. vols. iv-v ( London, 1895; repr. 1971); P. C. Boeren , Rorgo Fretellus de Nazareth et sa description de la Terre Sainte ( Amsterdam, 1980); and B. Hamilton, "Rebuilding Zion; the Holy Places of Jerusalem in the Twelfth Century", SCH 14 ( 1977) 105-16; also G. Constable , "Opposition to Pilgrimage in the Middle Ages", S. Grat. 19 ( 1976) 125-46.

The classic study of the military orders, still valuable, is by H. Prutz, Die geistlichen Ritterorden ( Berlin, 1908; repr. 1968), and there is a series of studies edited by J. Fleckenstein and M. Hellmann, Die geistlichen Ritterorden Europas, VuF 26 ( 1980). D. Seward has written an English introduction to the subject in The Monks of War; the Military Religious Orders ( St Albans, 1974); and there is an important argument by A. J. Forey, "The Emergence of the Military Order in the Twelfth Century", JEH 36 ( 1985) 175-95. The major study of the Hospitallers is J. Riley-Smith, The Knights of S. John in Jerusalem and Cyprus ( London, 1967). Their rule and statutes were translated by E. J. King ( London, 1934; repr. 1981), and their early development reconsidered by A. J. Forey, "The Militarization of the Hospital of S. John", Studia Monastica 26 ( 1984) 75-89. There is an outline history of the Templars in English by G. A. Campbell, The Knights Templars, their Rise and Fall ( London, 1937), and a more recent survey by G. Bordonove, La vie quotidienne des Templiers ( Paris, 1975). M. L. Bulst-Thiele has published a careful and scholarly account of the masters in Sacrae Domus Militiae Templi Hierosolymitani magistri (Göttingen, 1974), and there are articles by M. Barber in TRHS V 34 ( 1984) 27-46 and Studia Monastica 12 ( 1970) 219-40.

The dominant school of contemporary thought about warfare is examined by F. H. Russell, The Just War in the Middle Ages ( Cambridge, 1975), and there is a survey of crusading theory by E.-D. Hehl, Kirche und Krieg im 12 Jh. ( Stuttgart, 1980). The attitude of St Bernard is best studied in his treatise 'In praise of the new militia', which is translated in his Treatises, iii ( Kalamazoo, 1977), and is clarified by J. Leclercq, "S. Bernard's Attitude to War", in J. R. Sommerfeldt (ed.), Studies in Cistercian History ii, ( Kalamazoo, 1976), 1-39. Apart from the general works mentioned above, there is a perceptive discussion of the Second Crusade by G. Constable, "The Second Crusade as Seen by Contemporaries", Traditio 9 ( 1953) 213-79. The events leading to the fall of Jerusalem to Saladin in 1187 are being reassessed by scholars; see, as an introduction to the controversy, B. Hamilton , "The Elephant of Christ: Raynald of Châtillon", SCH 15 ( 1978) 97-108, and studies in the volumes mentioned in ch. 6.iv. On the Third Crusade, in addition to the general works, see E. Eickhoff, Friedrich Barbarossa irn Orient: Kreuzzug und Tod Friedrichs I (Tübingen, 1977). On the development of western knowledge of Islam, there are important studies by R. C. Schwinges, Kreuzzugsideologie und Toleranz: Studien zu Wilhelm von Tyrus ( Stuttgart, 1977); P. Mühring, "Zu der Geschichte der orientalischen Herrscher des Wilhelm von Tyrus" Herrscher des Wilhelm von Tyrus', Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 19 ( 1984) 17083; and B. Z. Kedar, Crusade and Mission: European Approaches towards the Moslems ( Princeton, 1984).

Chapter 12: The Message of the Churches
i. Towards a Christian Society. There is a good introduction to the religion of the people by R. and C. Brooke, Popular Religion in the Middle Ages: Western Europe 1000-1300 ( London, 1984), but in general the discussion has been carried forward in collections of short studies. Among these are I laici nella societas christiana dei secoli XI e XII, MCSM 5 ( 1968); E. Delaruelle, La piété populaire au Moyen Âge ( Turin, 1975); La piété populaire au Moyen Âge, CNSS 99 ( Paris, 1977); and La culture populaire au Moyen Âge, ed. P. Boglioni ( Montreal, 1979). There is a valuable local bibliography by P. Plongeron and P. Lerou, La piété populaire en France: répertoire bibliographique ( Paris, 1986-). (It includes a considerable number of medieval studies, and is destined to cover other countries.) R. Manselli's book, La religion populaire au Moyen Age ( Montreal, 1975), is well worth reading, but the review by R. Trexler in Speculum 52 ( 1977) 1019-22 raises fundamental questions about the approach to popular religion, as does the article by J. C. Schmitt , "Les traditions folkloriques dans la culture médiévale", Archives des Sciences Sociales de Religions, 52/ 1 ( 1981) 5-20. Works based on this school of interpretation are listed in ch. 19. iii below.

ii. The Great Churches.
Room does not allow the listing of the many analyses of the development of architecture, and it must suffice to mention the very attractive volumes by G. Duby, The Europe of the Cathedrals 1140-1280 ( Geneva, 1966), and W. Swaan, The Gothic Cathedral ( London, 1981). Two classic discussions of the aims of the designers are those of E. Panofsky, Gothic Architecture and Scholasticism ( Latrobe, 1951), and O. von Simson, The Gothic Cathedral ( London, 1956). These writers both see the great church as an image of heaven, but this assumption should be controlled by reading the important article of P. Crossley, "In Search of a New Iconography of Medieval Architecture", Symbolae Historiae Artium: Festchrift to L. Kalinowski ( Warsaw, 1986), 55-66. The major polemical work of the time, St Bernard's Apologia to Abbot William, is available in English in The Works of Bernard of Clairvaux: the Treatises, i, ( Shannon, 1970), 3-69. On buildings of crucial importance, there is K. J. Conant, Cluny ( Micon, 1968); E. Panofsky, Abbot Suger on the Abbey Church of S. Denis and its Art Treasure ( Princeton, 1946); S. M. Crosby, L'abbaye royale de S. Denis ( Paris, 1953); and J. Formigé, L'abbaye royale de S. Denis ( Paris, 1960). The very distinctive art traditions of Rome are discussed by H. Toubert , "Le renouveau paléochrétien á Rome au début du XIIe siécle", Cahiers archéologiques 20 ( 1970) 99-154; R. Krautheimer, Rome: the Profile of a City ( Princeton, 1980); and P. C. Klaussen, Magistri Doctissimi Romani ( Stuttgart, 1987). On church treasures, see B. Bischoff, Mittelalterliche Schatzverzeichnisse, i ( Munich, 1967), and H. Swarzenski, Monuments of Romanesque Art ( Chicago, 1974). Among important studies of the financing of church building are C. R. Cheney, "Church Building in the Middle Ages", Bulletin of John Rylands Library 34 ( 1951-2) 20-36; H. Kraus, Gold was the Mortar: the Economics of Cathedral Building ( London, 1979); and (mostly after 1200) W. H. Vroom, De Financiering van de kathedraalbouw in de Middeleeuwen ( Maarsen, 1981). Two informative examples have been studied by C. E. Woodruff, "The Financial Aspect of the Cult of S. Thomas of Canterbury", Archaeologia Cantiana 44 ( 1932) 13-32 and R. Graham, "An Appeal about 1175 for the Building Fund of S. Paul's", Journal of the British Archaeological Association 3. 10 ( 1945-7) 73-6.

The arrangement of the great churches for worship has received much less attention than their architectural design, but there are excellent introductory articles by J. Hubert, La place faite aux laïcs dans les églises monastiques et dans les cathddrales, MCSM 5 ( 1965) 470-87 and C. Brooke , "Religious Sentiment and Church Design" in his Medieval Church and Society ( London, 1970, 162-82. On detailed aspects of the planning of churches, there are studies by W. S. Hope, "Quire Screens in English Churches", Archaeologia 68 ( 1916-7) 43-110; W. H. A. Vallance, Greater English Church Screens ( London, 1947); E. Fernie, "The Use of Varied Nave Supports in Romanesque and Early Gothic Churches", Gesta 23 ( 1984) 10718; and C. A. R. Radford, "The Bishop's Throne in Norwich Cathedral", Archaeological Journal 116 ( 1959) 115-32.

iii. The Local Churches.
There is an excellent survey of the bibliography, extending back to the twelfth century, by j. Coste, "L'institution paroissiale à la fin du Moyen Âge", Mélanges de l'école française de Rome 96 ( 1984) 295326; and surveys by J. Gaudemet, La paroisse au Moyen Âge RHEF 59 ( 1973) 5-21, and J. Avril in Revue d'histoire de la spiritualité 51 1975) 28996 and ICMCL 5 ( 1980) 471-86. Among the studies of local churches in England can be recommended W. O. Ault, "The Village Church and the Village Community in Medieval England", Speculum 45 ( 1970) 197-215; R. Morris , "The Church in British Archaeology", CBA Research Report 47 ( 1983); and articles in J. A. Raftis (ed.), Pathways to Medieval Peasants ( Toronto, 1981), 311-33. The study of local churches in France has been particularly extensive, and includes P. Imbart de la Tour, Les paroisses rurales dans l'ancienne France du IVe au Xle siécles ( Paris, 1900); G. Devailly, L'encadrement paroissial: rigueur et insuffisance, CF 11 ( 1976) 387-417; J. Becquet, La paroisse en France aux XI et XIIe siécles, MCSM 8 ( 1974) 199-229; and an unusual approach to architecture by J. James, "The Uneven Distribution of Early Gothic Churches in the Paris Basin", Art Bulletin 66 ( 1984) 15-46. Among excellent local studies may be mentioned H. Platelle, "Les paroisses du décanat de Lille au Moyen Âge", Mélanges de science religieuse 25 ( 1968) 67-88, 115-41. On Germany, there is a useful collection of texts in M. Erbe, Pfarrkirche und Dorf ( Mohn, 1973), and thorough studies by F. Pauly, Siedlung und Pfarrorganisation im alten Erzbistum Trier ( Trier, 1961-), and E. Guttenberg and A. Wendehorst, Das Bistum Bamberg: ii. Die Pfarrorganisation, Germania Sacra ii. 1 ( Berlin, 1966). For Italy see P. Toubert, "Monachisme et encadrement religieux des campagnes en Italie" , and C. Violante , Pievi e parrochie nell'Italia centro-settentrionale, MCSM 8 ( 1977) 416-41 and 643-799; and the articles in Pieve e Parrochie, 2 vols. Italia Sacra, 35-6 ( Rome, 1984).

iv. Learning through Worship.
The way in which the liturgy served the edification of the community as a whole is analysed by E. Cattaneo, La liturgia nella riforma gregoriana, CSSSM 6 ( 1968) 169-90, and Azione pastorale e vita liturgica locale, MCSM 8 ( 1977) 444-73; P.-M. Gy, "Evangélisation et sacrements au Moyen Âge", Humanisme et foi chritienne, ed. C. Kannengiesser and Y. Marchasson ( Paris, 1976), 565-72; and P. Riché , "La pastorale populaire en occident", Histoire vécue du peuple chrétien, ed. J. Delumeau ( Toulouse, 1979), i, 195-224. The changes in the rite of initiation are discussed by J. D. C. Fisher, Christian Initiation ( London, 1965); H. M. J. Banting, "Imposition of hands in confirmation", JEH 7 ( 1956) 147-59; and G. Riggio, "Liturgia e pastorale della confermazione nei secoll XI-XIII", Ephemerides liturgicae 87 ( 1974) 3-31. E. Cattaneo, "11 battistero in Italia dopo il mille", Italia Sacra 15-16 ( Padua, 1970), 171-95, and E. M. Angiola, "Nicola Pisano, Federigo Visconti and the classical style in Pisa", Art Bulletin 59 ( 1977) 1-27 provide a valuable guide to the significance of the baptistery in Italian church life. The wide-ranging article of J. Bossy, "The Mass as a Social Institution 1200-1700", Past and Present 100 ( 1983) 29-61, is an interesting introduction to the subject, and the account of J. A. Jungmann, The Mass of the Roman Rite, 2 vols. ( New York, 1951-5), is indispensible. There are two excellent articles on the expansion of the private mass by C. Vogel in Recherches de science religieuse 54 ( 1980) 231-50 and 55 ( 1981) 206-13. The fullest study of the medieval symbolism of the mass is now R. Suntrup, Die Bedeutung der liturgischen Gebärden und Bewegungen ( Miinster, 1978). On the theology of the sacraments, see ch. 15.iv.

Music-drama has received a great deal of scholarly attention. The texts and discussion of K. Young, The Drama of the Medieval Church, 2 vols. ( Oxford, 1933), lie at the root of more recent study, and there is a stimulating and controversial book by O. B. Hardison, Christian Rite and Christian Drama in the Middle Ages ( Baltimore, 1965). Specific aspects are examined by H. Kindermann, Das Theaterpublikum des Mittelalters ( Salzburg, 1980); C. Mazouer, Les indications de mise en scéne dans les drames liturgiques de Pâques, CCM 23 ( 1980) 361-8; and W. L. Smoldon, The Music of the Medieval Church Drama ( London, 1980). The study of medieval music lies outside our boundaries, but some scholars have brought together social and musical developments, notably A. Hughes, "La musique populaire médiévale", Culture Populaire (above, i) 103-20; M. Huglo, "La musique religieuse au temps de Philippe Auguste", R. H. Bautier (ed.), La France de Philippe Auguste ( Paris, 1982), 1001-11; and P. Gülke, Mönche, Bürger, Minnesänger: Musik in der Gesellschaft des europäischen Mittelalters ( Vienna, 1975). Images of the Virgin Mary are studied in a very interesting book by I. H. Forsyth, The Throne of Wisdom: Wood Sculptures in Romanesque France ( Princeton, 1972), and the most thorough listing of representations of the crucified Christ is that by P. Thoby, Le crucifixe des origines au concile de Trente ( Nantes, 1959). L. Gougaud collected important medieval references to the idea that pictures are 'books of the poor' in 'Muta praedicatio', Revue Bénédictine 42 ( 1930) 168-71, and H. Kraus throws light on the propaganda aspect of cathedral decoration in The Living Theatre of Medieval Art ( London, 1967). This is not the place for a list of studies of medieval painting; one interesting group in local churches, mentioned in the text, is discussed by A. M. Baker, "The Wall Paintings in the Church of S. John the Baptist, Clayton", Sussex Archaeological Collections 108 ( 1970) 58-81.

v. Preaching.
The medieval sermon, once largely neglected by scholars, has in recent years produced work of remarkably high quality. J. Longére's book La prédication médiévale ( Paris, 1983), is an indispensible starting-place. There are good discussions of the religious functions of sermons by L.-J. Bataillon , "Approaches to the Study of Medieval Sermons", Leeds Studies in English NS 11 ( 1980) 19-35, and A. Vauchez, "Faire croire: diffusion et réception du message religieux au Moyen Âge", Les quatrefleuves 11 ( 1980) 31-40. J. B. Schneyer's Repertorium der lateinischen Sermones des Mittelalters, 9 vols. ( Münster, 1969-79), is a magnificent work of reference for the whole period. J. Longére's Oeuvres oratoires de maîtres parisiens au XIIe siéle, 2 vols. ( Paris, 1975), is a thorough and informative study, and so is P. Tibber's "The Origins of the Scholastic Sermon c. 1130-1210" (unpublished University of Oxford D. Phil. Thesis, 1983). Another fine work is that by M. Zink, Le prédication en langue romane avant 1300 ( Paris, 1976). M. M. Gatch, Preaching and Theology in Anglo-Saxon England: Aelfric and Wulfstan ( Toronto, 1977), is of wider import than the title implies.

vi. Ceremonial and Society.
Processions were an important feature, but most studies are local rather than general ones. See, however, H. Niedermeier, "Über die Sakramentsprozession im Mittelalter", Sacris Erudiri 22 ( 1974-5) 401-36, and (for a well-documented place) X. Haimerl, Das Prozessionswesen des Bistums Bamberg im Mittelalter ( Hildesheim, 1973). On confraternities the greatest name is G. G. Meersseman, especially his Ordo fraternitatis: confraternite e pietà dei laici nel medioevo, 3 vols. ( Rome, 1977). There are so many general books about pilgrimage that selection is really a matter of taste. I would choose P. A. Sigal, Les marcheurs de Dieu: pélerinages et pélerins au Moyen Âge ( Paris, 1974); J. Sumption, Pilgrimage: An Image of Medieval Religion ( London, 1975); and R. Finucane, Miracles and Pilgrims: Popular Belief im Medieval England ( London, 1977). The transformation of pilgrimage at the beginning of our period is the subject of two incisive studies, L. Schmugge , Die Anfänge des organisierten Pilgerverkehrs im Mittelalter, QFIAB 64 ( 1984) 1-83, and R. Plötz, "Strukturwandel der peregrinatio im Hochmittelalter", Rheinische-westfälische Zeitschrift für Volkskunde 26/ 7 ( 1981/ 2) 129-51. On the function of the shrines, two outstanding books: P.-A. Sigal , L'homme et le miracle dans la France médiévale ( Paris, 1985), and B. Ward , Miracles and the Medieval Mind ( London, 1982). P. J. Geary, Furta sacra: Thefts of Relics in the Central Middle Ages ( Princeton, 1978) is also an instructive study, while M. Heinzelmann, Translationsberichte und andere Quellen des Reliquienkultes, Typologie des sources 33 ( Turnhoult, 1979), is both thorough and useful. On reliquaries see E. G. Grimme, Goldschmiedkunst im Mittelalter: Form und Bedeutung des Reliquiars von 800 bis 1500 ( Cologne, 1972). The best-known critic of abuses of the cult of relics has been studied by K. Guth, Guibert von Nogent und die hochmittelalterliche Kritik an der Reliquienverehrung ( Ottobeuren, 1970).

Chapter 13. Christianity and Social Ideas
i. The Basis of Christian Social Action. References to works on the development of humanism in the twelfth century will be found under ch. 15. iii below. There is a good short survey of thought about the laity in J. Gilchrist , "Laity in the Middle Ages", New Catholic Encyclopedia 8 ( 1967) 331-5, and an interesting disussion of the canonical position in R. J. Cox, A Study of the Juridic Status of Laymen in the Writing of the Medieval Canonists ( Washington, 1959). G. G. Meersseman, Chiesa e Ordo laicorum nel sec. XI, CSSSM 6 ( 1968) 37-74 is important for the background. Material on the priesthood of the faithful in medieval theology was collected by P. Dabin , Le sacerdoce royal des fidéles dans la tradition ancienne et moderne ( Brussels, 1950). On the theory of 'orders' the best study is by G. Duby, The Three Orders: Feudal Society Imagined ( Chicago, 1980), with further comments by E. A. R. Brown, "Georges Duby and the three orders", Viator 17 ( 1986) 51-64. There is much stimulating discussion in J. Le Goff, Time, Work and Culture in the Middle Ages ( Chicago, 1980). An older study in which interesting material has been assembled is L. Manz, Der OrdoGedanke ( Stuttgart, 1937). Other topics are discussed in the volume edited by A. Zimmermann, Soziale Ordnungen im Selbstverständnis des Mittelalters, Misc.Med. 12 ( 1979), and G. B. Ladner, "Homo viator: Medieval Ideas on Alienation and Order", Speculum 42 ( 1967) 233-59. L. Prosdocirm discussed some crucial medieval texts in "Unità e dualità del popolo christiano in Stefano di Tournai e in Ugo di S. Vittore", Le Bras i. 673-80, and "Chierici e laici nella società occidentale del sec. XII", ICMCL? 2? ( 1965) 105-22.

ii. Provision for the Poor.
In addition to the essential general works by M. Mollat (ch. 3.iii above), a volume of RHEF, 52 ( 1966), was devoted to the topic of poverty. B. Tierney, Medieval Poor Law ( London, 1959), while being mainly concerned with England, is a very fine work with wide applications. There are two complementary studies of the organization of hospitals: S. Reicke, Das deutsche Spital und sein Recht im Mittelalter ( Stuttgart, 1932), and J. Imbert, Histoire des hôpitaux français: les hôpitaux en droit canonique ( Paris, 1947). The essential collection of material is by L. Le Grand , Statuts d'Hôtels-Dieu et de léproseries ( Paris, 1901), and the social pressures which brought into being the hospital system are examined by C. Probst, "Das Hospitalwesen im hohen und späten Mittelalter", Sudhoffs Archiv: Zeitschrift für Wissenschaftsgeschichte 50 ( 1966) 246-58. J. D. Thomp son and G. Goldin, The Hospital: a Social and Architectural History ( London, 1975), contains valuable material for this period, and so does U. Craemer, Das Hospital als Bautyp des Mittelalters ( Cologne, 1963). The Hospitallers are discussed elsewhere, but there is an interesting discussion of their medical work (by which however I am not completely convinced) by T. S. Miller, "The Knights of S. John and Hospitals of the Latin West", Speculum 53 ( 1978) 709-33. The medieval section of E. E. Hume, Medical Work of the Knights Hospitallers ( Baltimore, 1940), contains useful references but is uncritical in its treatment. On the impact of leprosy on European society, see among other things P. Richards, The Medieval Leper and his Northern Heirs ( Cambridge, 1977); S. N. Brody, The Disease of the Soul: Leprosy in Medieval Literature (Ithaca, 1974); A. Bourgeois, Psychologie collective et institutions charitables: lépreux et maladreries du Pas-de-Calais ( Arras, 1972); and J. Avril, "Le IIIe concile de Latran et les communautés de lépreux", Revue Mabillon 60 ( 1981) 21-76.

The operation of the social services may be judged from local studies, of which some excellent ones are now available. Particularly noteworthy are J. M. Bienvenu, "Pauvreté, misères et charité en Anjou", MA 72-3 ( 1966-7); J. H. Mundy, "Charity and Social Work in Toulouse", Traditio 22 ( 1966) 203-77; the articles collected in CF 13 ( 1978); J. Caille, Hôpitaux et charité publique à Narbonne ( Toulouse, 1978); M. Candille, "Pour un précis d'histoire générale des institutions charitables", Bulletin Philologique et Historique 1970, 117-31 (based on northern French materials); M. Rubin, Charity and Community in Medieval Cambridge 1200-1500 ( Cambridge, 1987); and a study of the system in a society where relief remained solidly the responsibility of the family, M. Stein-Wilkeshuis, "The Right to Social Welfare in Early Medieval Iceland", JMH 8 ( 1982) 343-52.

iii. Marriage.
On changing ideas of love in the twelfth century, see ch. 15. iii below. There is a guide to the literature on marriage edited by M. Sheehan and D. Scardalleto, Family and Marriage in Medieval Europe: a Working Bibliography ( Vancouver, 1976). C. N. L. Brooke has provided good introductions to the subject in Marriage and Christian History ( Cambridge, 1978) and there is a collection of articles edited by W. van Hoecke and A. Welkenhuysen , Love and Marriage in the Twelfth Century ( Louvain, 1981). Sexuality in general is considered by D. S. Bailey, The Man-Woman Relation in Christian Thought ( London, 1959), and P. Browe, Beiträge zur Sexualethik des Mittelalters (Breslau, 1932), which is more specialized than its title suggests but is well documented. There is an important recent survey by J. A. Brundage, Law, Sex and Christian Society in Medieval Europe ( Chicago, 1987). The relationship between different concepts of marriage is portrayed by G. Duby, The Knight, the Lady and the Priest (Harmondsworth, 1985), and also in his Medieval Marriage: Two Models from Twelfth-century France ( Baltimore, 1978). The development of the marriage rite is the subject of an excellent book by K. Ritzer, French trans., Le mariage dans les églises chrétiennes du Ie au XIIe siéle ( Paris, 1970), which includes an excursus on the twelfth-century rite. It should be read in conjunction with C. Vogel, "Les rites de la célébration du mariage", CISAM 24 ( 1977) 397-472, and with the examination of the liturgy by J. B. Molinand P. Mutembe, Le rituel du mariage en France du XIIe au XVIe siée ( Paris, 1974).

The doctrine of marriage in canomsts and theologians is splendidly surveyed by G. Le Bras in an article, "Mariage", in Dic. TC 9 ( 1926) 2123316, and there is a good analysis by E. Schillebeeckx, Marriage: Secular Reality and Saving Mystery ( London, 1965). There are thorough discussions of the subject by A. Esmein, Le mariage en droit canonique, 2nd edn. ( Paris, 1929), and V. Pfaff, "Das kirchliche Eherecht am Ende des 12 Jhs", ZSSRGkA 94 ( 1977) 73-131. Some radical suggestions about the motivation of the church's strategy towards marriage are put forward by J. Goody , The Development of the Family and Marriage in Europe ( Cambridge, 1983) (mainly patristic, but with direct relevance to our period). The classic work on the acquisition of matrimonial Jurisdiction by the church courts is P. Daudet, L'établissement de la compétence de léglise en matière de divorce et de consanguinité ( Paris, 1941). The movement towards a consent theory is discussed by C. Donahue, "The Policy of Alexander III's Consent Theory of Marriage", ICMCL 4 ( 1976) 251-81, and J. T. Noonan, "Marriage in the Middle Ages, 1; Power to Choose", Viator 4 ( 1973) 419-34. See also Noonan's "Marital Affection in the Canonists", S. Grat. 12 ( 1967) 479-509 and Donahue's "The Dating of Alexander III's Marriage Decretals", ZSSRGkA 99 ( 1982) 70-124. There is material on the consequences of the new theory for social behaviour in the succeeding period in G. P. Homans, English Villagers of the Thirteenth Century ( Cambridge, Mass., 1941), 144-94, and R. H. Helmholz, Marriage Litigation in Medieval England ( Cambridge, 1974).

iv. Commercial Morality: Interest and Usury.
There are two very good introductory books: J. Gilchrist, The Church and Economic Activity in theMiddle Ages Middle Ages ( London, 1969), and L. K. Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy in Medieval Europe ( London, 1978). On usury, there is a survey article by G. Le Bras, "Usure", Dic. TC 15 ( 1946) 2336-72, and good discussions by T. P. McLaughlin, "The Teaching of the Canonists on Usury", MS 1-2 ( 1939-40); B. J. Nelson, "The Usurer and the Merchant Prince", Journal of Economic History 7 ( 1947) suppl. 104-22, and the first chapter in his The Idea of Usury, 2nd edn. ( Chicago, 1969); and J. T. Noonan , The Scholastic Analysis of Usury ( Cambridge, Mass., 1957). J. Le Goff , The Usurer and Purgatory, in The Dawn of Modern Banking ( London, 1979) 25-52, is fascinating. J. W. Baldwin, "The Medieval Theories of the Just Price", Trans. Amer. Philosophical Soc. 49.iv ( 1959) is an important technical study.

v. Chivalry.
Another favourite area for writers on medieval society. Start with three excellent introductory volumes: S. Painter, French Chivalry ( Baltimore, 1940); M. Keen, Chivalry ( London, 1984); and C. S. Jaeger, The Origins of Courtliness ( London, 1985), tracing the origin of the ideals in the Ottonian court. The extent to which chivalry was influenced by the teaching and liturgy of the church is disputed. E. Curtius's view about the chivalric ethic was strongly criticized by E. Neumann, "Der Streit um das ritterliche Tugendsystem", Erbe der Vergangenheit: Festgabe für K. Helm ( Tübingen, 1951) 137-55. Other aspects of ecclesiastical influence have been considered more recently by C. Morris, "Equestris ordo", SCH 15 ( 1978) 8796; J. Flori, L'essor de la chevalerie ( Geneva, 1986); and G. Althoff, "Nunc fiant Christi milites . . .", Saeculum 32 ( 1981) 317-33.

Chapter 14. Dissent
i. Heresy: General and Beginnings (1050-1140).
The important works are listed in H. Grundmann, Bibliographie zur Ketzergeschichte des Mittelalters 1900-66 ( Rome, 1967), and C. T. Berckhout and J. B. Russell, Medieval Heresies: a Bibliography 1960-79 ( Toronto, 1981). There are valuable collections of articles edited by J. Le Goff, Hérésies et sociétés dans l'Europe pré-industrielle ( Paris, 1968), and by W. Lourdaux and D. Verhelst, The Concept of Heresy in the Middle Ages (Louvain, 1976). H. Grundmann has provided a scholarly factual survey in Ketzergeschichte des Mittelalters ( Göttingen, 1963). There are two outstanding English contributions. R. I. Moore , The Origins of European Dissent (Harmondsworth, 1977), is an excellent book in which the likelihood of early eastern influence is rejected. The possibility is taken more seriously by Lambert M. D. in Medieval Heresy: Popular Movements from Bogomil to Huss ( London, 1977). J. B. Russell 's Dissent and Reform in the Early Middle Ages ( Berkeley, 1965), has been largely superseded by these later works. In addition there are very perceptive surveys by C. Brooke, "Heresy and Religious Sentiment 10001250", Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 41 ( 1968) 115-31; R.Manselli Manselli, "La christianitas medioevale di fronte all'eresia", in V. Branca (ed.), Concetto, storia, miti e immagini del medio evo ( Venice, 1973); and E. Werner, "Häresie und Gesellschaft im 11 Jh", Sb. Leipzig ( 1975). Several recent books have provided English translations with discussions of the major documents: W. L. Wakefield and A. P. Evans, Heresies of the High Middle Ages ( New York, 1969); R. I. Moore, The Birth of Popular Heresy ( London, 1975); and E. Peters, Heresy and Authority in Medieval Etirope ( London, 1980). Particular episodes or regions are discussed by J. Musy, "Mouvements populaires et hérésies au Xle siècle en France", Revue Historique 99 ( 1975) 3376; W. Mohr, "Tanchelm von Antwerpen", Annales Universitatis Saraviensis III-3/4 ( 1954) 234-47; G. Despy, "Les cathares dans le diocèse de Liège au XIIe slècle", Christianisme d'hier et d'aujourd' hui: hommage à Jean Préaux ( Brussels, 1979); M. Suttor, "Le triumphus sancti Lamberti et le catharisme à Lièe", MA 91 ( 1985) 227-64; and in articles in Pascua Medievalia: Studies voor J. M. de Smedt (Louvain, 1983). See also J. Fearns's edition of the Contra Petrobrusianos hereticos of Peter the Venerable in CC (CM) 10 ( 1968).

ii. Cathars and Waldensians 1140-1200.
S. Runciman, The Medieval Manichee, is now out of date, even in its modified reprint of 1982. The classic study of the movement as a whole is A. Borst, Die Catharer, MGH Schriften 12 ( 1953), French tr. ( Paris, 1974). J. Duvernoy, Le catharisme: l'histoire des cathares ( Toulouse, 1979), has useful material, and the changing views of catharism over the centuries are analysed in Historiographie du catharisme, CF 14 ( 1979). See also F. Sanjek, Les chrétiens bosniaques et le mouvement cathare ( Paris, 1976). Studies on the Albigensians are listed below under ch. 17.vi. The early development of the Waldensians is obscure. It has been examined in W. Mohr, Waldes von seiner Berufung bis zu seinem Tode (Horn, 1970); K.-V. Selge, Die ersten Waldenser, 2 vols ( Berlin, 1967); Vaudois languedociens et pauvres catholiques, CF 2 ( 1967); and A. Dondaine, "Aux origines du Valdéisme: une profession de foi de Valdè", AFP 16 ( 1946) 191-235. There are two excellent survey articles by G. Gonnet, "Le cheminement des Vaudois vers le schisme et l'hérésie", CCM 19 ( 1976) 309-45, and "Le développement des doctrines vaudoises de Lyon à Chanforan 1170-1532", Revue d'histoire et de philosophie religieuses 52 ( 1972) 397-406. Very valuable also is his Enchiridion fontium valdensium (Torre Pellice, 1958). The reaction of the hierarchy to heresy in the twelfth century is discussed in important articles by R. Manselli and Y. Dossat in Le Credo, le morale et l'inquisition, CF 6 ( 1971), and B. Bolton "Tradition and Temerity: Papal Attitudes to Deviants 115 9-1216", SCH 9 ( 1972) 79-91.

iii. Sorcery.
Three outstanding modern works, which relate in large part to this period, are N. Cohn, Europe's Inner Demons ( London, 1975); D. Harmening , Superstitio: Untersuchungen zur kirchlich-theologischen Aberglaubensliteratur des Mittelalters ( Berlin, 1979); and E. M. Peters, TheMagician, the Witch and the Law Magician, the Witch and the Law (Hassocks, 1978), a wide-ranging survey whose views are largely reflected in the text of this section. There is valuable material in J. B. Russell, Witchcraft in the Middle Ages (Ithaca, 1972), and a good collection of sources in A. C. Kors and E. Peters, Witchcraft in Europe 1100-1700 ( London, 1972). C. Vogel, "Pratiques superstitieuses au début du Xle siècle d'après Burchard", Études de civilisation médiévale: mélanges offerts è E.-R. Labande ( Poitiers, 1975), 751-62, presents some important material.

iv. The Jews.
The best study for general reading is J. Parkes, The Jew in the Medieval Community, 2nd ed. ( New York, 1976), and there is a thorough account in Baron S. W., A Social and Religious History of the Jews, 18 vols. 2nd edn. ( New York, 1952-83). A valuable survey article is that by G. I. Langmuir , "From Ambrose of Milan to Emicho of Leiningen", CISAM 36 ( 1980) 313-73. Although it mostly covers an earlier period, it is worth mentioning the excellent book of B. Blumenkranz, Juifs et chrétiens dans le monde occidental 430-1096 ( Paris, 1960). Important local studies are by R. Chazan , Medieval Jewry in Northern France ( London, 1973); G. Kisch, The Jews in Medieval Germany ( Chicago, 1949); and "Juifs et judaïsme de Languedoc", CF 12 ( 1977). There is a general account of accusations against the Jews by J. Trachtenberg, The Devil and the Jews (New Haven, 1943), which is useful in spite of a lack of differentiation of the period and origins of the charges. The supposed connection of the Jew with other enemies of Christendom is explored in A. H. Cutler, The Jew as Ally of the Muslim: Medieval Roots of Anti-Semitism ( Indiana, 1986); and J. Riley-Smith, "The First Crusade and the Persecution of the Jews", SCH 21 ( 1984) 51-72. B. Blumenkranz, Lejuif médiéval au miroir de l'art chrétien ( Paris, 1966), conveniently summarizes his earlier work and provides the broadest treatment of this important theme. With it should be read ch. 7 of H. Kraus, The Living Theatre of Medieval Art ( London, 1967). The accusation of ritual murder is best studied in G. I. Langmuir , "L'absence d'accusation de meurtre rituel à l'ouest du Rhône", CF 12 ( 1977) 235-49, and the same author discusses the first instance of the charge in "Thomas of Monmouth: Detector of Ritual Murder", Speculum 59 ( 1984) 820-46. There are general studies of Christian-Jewish polemic by A. L. Williams, Adversus Judaeos: a Bird's-eye View of Christian Apologiae until the Renaissance ( Cambridge, 1935), and H. Maccoby, Judaism on Trial: Jewish-Christian Disputations in the Middle Ages ( London, 1982). The works of Gilbert Crispin are edited by G. R. Evans and A. S. Abulafia ( Oxford, 1986). An unusual work among the polemics is that by Peter Abelard, Dialogus inter philosophum, judaeum and christianum. It has been edited by R. Thomas ( Stuttgart, 1970), and tr. by P. J. Payer ( Toronto, 1979), The general intellectual relationships of the two communities are examined by A. Grabois, "The Hebraica veritas and Jewish-Christian Intellectual Relations in the Twelfth Century", Speculum 50 ( 1975) 613-34, and H. Hailperin, Rashi and the Christian Scholars ( Pittsburgh, 1963).

Chapter 15. The Formulation of the Faith
i-ii. The Growth of Theology as a Science. Almost every significant figure in the period has been the subject of separate study, and this note will confine itself to more general works and to a limited number of themes explored in the text. Investigation of theology between 1050 and 1200 may rely upon several books of outstanding quality. The first is J. de Ghellinck, Le mouvement théologique du XIIe siècle ( Paris, 1948). Then there is a broader survey by A. Forest and others, "Le mouvement doctrinal du XIe au XIVe siècle" ( Paris, 1951) ( FM vol. xiii). There are two excellent surveys of the whole field by A. M. Landgraf: Einführung in die Geschichte der theologischen Literatur der Friihscholastik ( Regensburg, 1948) (French translation Montreal 1973); and Dogmengeschichte der Frühscholastik, 4 vols. ( Regensburg, 1952-6). Two other brilliantly perceptive books are by B. Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, 3rd edn. ( Oxford, 1983), and M.-D. Chenu, La thiologie au XIIe siècle ( Paris, 1957), from which a good deal of material is included in Nature, Man and Society in the Twelfth Century ( Chicago, 1968). More recent works are by D. E. Luscombe, The School of Peter Abelard ( Cambridge, 1969), which contains material of very wide interest for the thought of the period, and J. Pelikan, "The Growth of Medieval Theology (600-1300)" ( Chicago, 1978) (vol. iii of his The Christian Tradition ). G. R. Evans ' Anselm and a New Generation ( Oxford, 1980), also covers a wide range of schools of thought. There is a convenient collection of texts in translation by E. R. Fairweather, A Scholastic Miscellany: Anselm to Occam ( Philadelphia, 1956).

The development of theology as a subject is covered by M. Grabmann, Die Geschichte der scholastischen Methode, 2 vols. (Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1909, repr. Darmstadt 1957). Modern works include G. Makdisi, "The Scholastic Method in Medieval Education", Speculum 49 ( 1974) 640-61, and G. R. Evans, Old Arts and New Theology: the Beginnings of Theology as an Academic Discipline ( Oxford, 1980). On one of the important new schools there is M.-D. Chenu, "Civilisation urbaine et théologie: l'école de S. Victor", Annales 29 ( 1974) 1253-63. For the 'school of Chartres' see ch. 2.iii above, and for the career of Anselm of Canterbury ch. 7.i. D. E. Luscombe 's paper Peter Abelard, Hist. Assoc. ( London, 1979), provides a good bibliography, and there is full information about manuscripts and editions in N. M. Haring, "Abelard Yesterday and Today", Pierre Abélard, Pierre le Vénérable: colloques du CNRS ( Paris, 1975), 341-403. Among introductions to his career J. G. Sikes, Peter Abailard, 2nd edn. ( Cambridge, 1946); L. Grane, Peter Abelard ( London, 1970); and K. M. Starnes, Peter Abelard: His Place in History ( Washington, 1981), deserve a recommendation. On exegesis one should start with B. Smalley's book mentioned above, along with H. de Lubac, Exégèse médiévale: les quatre sens de l'Écriture, 3 vols. ( Paris, 1959-61). The concept of 'analogy' was crucial in the development of thought about God, and is analysed in R. Javelet, Image et ressemblance au XIIe siècle de S. Anselme à Alain de Lille, 2 vols. ( Paris, 1967), and S. Otto, Die Funktion des Bildbegriffes in der Theologie des 12 Jhs ( Münster, 1963). The theme is developed by G. R. Evans, Alan of Lille: the Frontiers of Theology in the Later Twelfth Century ( Cambridge, 1983).

iii. The Theology of Humanism.
On the twelfth-century Renaissance and allied concepts, see under Part II (before ch. 8) above. The best introduction to medieval humanism is in the title essay of R. W. Southern's collection, Medieval Humanism and other Studies ( Oxford, 1970), 29-60. Also of great interest are R. R. Bolgar, The Classical Inheritance and its Beneficiaries ( Cambridge, 1954); D. Knowles, "The Humanism of the Twelfth Century", The Historian and Character ( Cambridge, 1963), 16-30; W. von den Steinen, Homo Caelestis (Berne, 1965); and G. B. Ladner, Ad imaginem Dei: the Image of Man in Medieval Art (Latrobe, 1965). Scepticism about over-much stress on the rise of humanism is expressed by R. Bultot, Christianisme et valeurs humaines ( Paris, 1963-), and D. Baker, "Arabick to the People", SCH 17 ( 1981) 59-76. On the expression of the individual in contemporary writing, there is P. Dronke, Poetic Individuality in the Middle Ages ( Oxford, 1970) and R. W. Hanning, The Individual in Twelfth-century Romance ( London, 1977); and, more generally, M.-D. Chenu, L'éveil de la conscience dans la civilisation médiévale ( Paris, 1969); C. Morris, The Discovery of the Individual 1050-1200 ( London, 1972); a subsequent discussion with C. W. Bynum in JEH 31 ( 1980) 1-17, 195-206; J. F. Benton, "Consciousness of Self and Perceptions of Individuality", RR 263-95; and R. D. Logan, "A Conception of the Self in the Later Middle Ages", JMH 12 ( 1986) 253-68. W. Ullmann, The Individual and Society in the Middle Ages ( Baltimore, 1966), is important mainly for the subsequent period. For the place occupied by love in religious thought, it is best to start with J. C. Moore, "Love in Twelfth-century France", Traditio 24 ( 1968) 429-43; J. Leclercq, Monks and Love in Twelfth-century France: psychohistorical Essays ( Oxford, 1979); and P. Dinzelbacher, "Über die Entdeckung der Liebe im Hochmittelalter", Saeculum 32 ( 1981) 185-208; these will give access to the immense volume of work on the concept of courtly love in literature. The cult of friendship among scholars and monks is discussed in many of the books which have been mentioned, but still awaits a systematic history. H. Legros, "Le vocabulaire de l'amitié: son évolution sémantique au cours du XIIe siècle", CCM 23 ( 1980) 131-9, and B. P. McGuire, "The Cistercians and the Transformation of Monastic Friendships", Analecta Cistericiensia 37 ( 1981) 3-65, are valuable introductory articles. Perhaps its greatest practitioner was Abbot Aelred of Rievaulx: his treatise On Spiritual Friendship has been translated by M. E. Laker ( Kalamazoo, 1977), and his Life by Walter Daniel ed. and tr. by F. M. Powicke ( Edinburgh, 1950); and the ideas of his teacher are discussed by E. C. Ronquist, "Friendship in Laurence of Durham", Classica et Medievalia 35 ( 1984) 191-214.

iv. Sin and Redemption.
The classic work of O. D. Watkins, A History of Penance, 2 vols. ( London, 1920; repr. New York, 1961) has been supplemented by B. Poschmann, Penance and the Anointing of the Sick (Freiburg, 1964), and C. Vogel, Le pécheur et la pénitence an Moyen Âge, 2nd edn. ( Paris, 1982). There are detailed studies by P. Anciaux, La théologie du sacrement de pénitence au XIIe siècle (Louvain, 1949), and A. Teetaert, La confession aux laiïques dans l'église latine (Wetteren, 1926). The process of formulating the list of seven sacraments has been charted by W. Knoch, Die Einsetzung der Sakramente durch Christus ( Münster, 1983); D. van den Eynde, Les définitions des sacrements pendant la première période de la théologie scholastique ( Rome, 1950); and J. de Ghellinck, Pour l'histoire du mot sacramentum ( Paris, 1924). The idea of Dominical authority for the orders of the ministry is carefully analysed by R. E. Reynolds, The Ordinals of Christ ( New York, 1978).

The best general introduction to eucharistic theology in the period is probably the article by J. de Ghellinck, "Eucharistie au XIIe siècle en occident", Dic. TC 5 ( 1913) 1233-1302, now supplemented by G. Macy, The Theologies of the Eucharist in the Early Scholastic Period ( Oxford, 1984). There are important studies on the Berengar controversy by A. J. Macdonald , Berengar and the Reform of Sacramental Doctrine ( London, 1930); R. W. Southern, "Lanfanc of Bec and Berengar of Tours", Studies in Medieval History presented to F. M. Powicke ( Oxford, 1948), 27-48; O. Capitani, Studi su Berengario di Tours ( Lecce, 1966); and J. de Montclos, Lanfranc et Bérenger (Louvain, 1971). H. Jorissen has made an interesting contribution to the history of doctrine in his book Die Entfaltung der Transsubstantiationslehre bis zum Beginn der Hochscholastik, ( Münster, 1965). The emergence of the ceremony of the elevation of the host has been discussed by V. L. Kennedy in MS 6 ( 1944) 121-50 and 8 ( 1946) 87-96, and by M. Dykmans, "Aux origines de l'élévation eucharistique", Zetesis: Album Amicorum aan E. de Strycker ( Antwerp, 1973), 679-94. The evolution of private masses is the subject of a lively survey by C. Vogel, "Une mutation cultuelle inexpliquée: le passage de l'eucharistie communautaire à la messe privée", Recherches de Science Religieuse 54 ( 1980) 231-50 and 55 ( 1981) 206-13. There is an impressive discussion by E. Dumoutet, Corpus Domini: aux sources de la piété eucharistique médiévale ( Paris, 1942), and material on proof-miracles was assembled by P. Browe, Die eucharistischen Wunder des Mittelalters ( Breslau, 1938).

The study of the doctrine of the atonement can usefully begin from two books almost fifty years old, G. Aulén, Christus Victor (repr. New York, 1969), and J. Rivière, Le dogme de la rédemption an début du Moyen Âge ( Paris, 1934), together with his article in Revue du Moyen Âge Latin 2 ( 1946) 100 ff. The devotion to the crucified humanity was a particular development of this period: see works on Bernard of Clairvaux in ch. 10.iv above, and E. Dumoutet , Le Christ selon la chair et la vie liturgique au Moyen Âge ( Paris, 1932), with the comments by C. Morris, "Christ after the Flesh", Ampleforth Journal 80 ( 1975) 44-51.

v. The World to Come.
On death, we must start with the trail-blazing if controversial book by P. Ariès, The Hour of our Death ( Harmondsworth, 1981), and his visual accompaniment in Images of Man and Death ( London, 1985); and there is a magnificent unpublished thesis by M. M. McLaughlin, "Consorting with the Saints: Prayer for the Dead in Early Medieval French Society" ( University of Stanford Ph.D. 1985). There are collections of articles in "Il dolore e la morte", CSSSM 5 ( 1967) and H. Braet and W. Verbeke (ed.), Death in the Middle Ages ( Louvain, 1983). The more important meditative works are discussed by G. S. Williams, The Vision of Death ( Göppingen, 1976). The evolution of the Dies irae is discussed by J.-C. Payen in Romania 86 ( 1965) 48-76, and F. J. E. Raby, A History of ChristianLatin Poetry, 2nd ed. ( Oxford, 1966), 443-52. The account of death-bed practice by K. Stüber, Commendatio animae: Sterben im Mittelalter (Berne, 1976), is largely focused on the thirteenth century.

B. McGinn has provided selections from eschatological writings in Visions of the End: Apocalyptic Traditions in the Middle Ages ( New York, 1979), and Apocalyptic Spirituality ( London, 1979) and has reviewed earlier scholarship in MS 37 ( 1975) 252-86 and "Medievalia et Humanistica" NS 11 ( 1982) 263-89. The figure of Antichrist is examined in a controversial book by H. D. Rauh, Das Bild des Antichrist im Mittelalter ( Munster, 1973), and by R. K. Emmerson, Antichrist in the Middle Ages ( Seattle, 1981). Millenarianism before Joachim of Fiore is the subject of an important study by P. Classen , "Eschatologische Ideen und Armutsbewegungen im XI und XII Jh.", CSSSM 8 ( 1969) 127-62, and R. Lerner's "Refreshment of the Saints", Traditio 32 ( 1976) 97-144, makes a contribution to the debate about Joachim's predecessors. On the links between history and eschatology see R. W. Southern, "Aspects of the European Tradition of Historical Writing", TRHS V. 21 ( 1971) 159-79 and 22 ( 1972) 159-80, and M. Häussler, Das Ende der Geschichte in der mittelalterlichen Weltchronistik (Cologne, 1980). P. Classen discussed the contribution of the German historical school in "Res gestae, Universal History, Apocalypse: Visions of Past and Future", RR 387417, and the Premonstratensian approach is reconsidered by G. Bischoff, "Early Premonstratensian Eschatology: the Apocalyptic Myth", E. R. Elder (ed.), The Spirituality of Western Christendom ( Kalamazoo, 1976), 41-71. For the Paris tradition, see N. Wicki, Die Lehre von der himmlischen Seligkeit in der mittelalterlichen Scholastik von Petrus Lombardus bis Thomas von Aquin (Freiburg, 1954). Chapter 16. Property, Privilege and Law Reading for section i, Ownership and Distribution, is included in the following sections.

ii. Tithes.
The two most informative books are by C. E. Boyd, Tithes and Parishes in Medieval Italy ( New York, 1952), and G. Constable, Monastic Tithes from their Origins to the Twelfth Century ( Cambridge, 1964), both of which are interesting on the whole development of tithes in this period. So are two older volumes by P. E. Viard, Histoire de la dîme ecclésiastique principalement en France jusqu'au décret de Gratien ( Dijon, 1909), and a subsequent volume on 1150-1313 ( Paris, 1912). Tithe restitution policy is covered in several of the studies on restitution of churches (see ch. 9.iii). C. Renardy has studied the restitution specifically of tithe at LiU-00E8ge in articles in MA 76 ( 1970) and Tijdschrifit voor Rechtsgeschiednis 41 ( 1973) 33960.

iii. The Structure of Ecclesiastical Property.
There is some discussion of property and revenues in almost all the general histories of the church, and also in studies of particular dioceses, cathedrals, and parishes, but there have been few attempts at a systematic analysis of the policy of land acquisition. There is a great deal of information in the classic book by E. Lesne, Histoire de la propriété ecclésiastique en France, 6 vols. ( Lille, 1910-43), and an excellent survey article by D. Herlihy, "Church Property on the European Continent 701-1200", Speculum 36 ( 1961) 81-105. There are also some useful articles in The Church and Wealth, SCH 24 ( 1987). Of studies of the estates of bishops, it is possible to mention only a few of particular importance. These include D. J. Osheim, An Italian Lordship: the Bishopric of Lucca in the late Middle Ages ( Berkeley, 1977); J. N. Sutherland, "The Recovery of Land in the diocese of Grenoble during the Gregorian Reform Epoch", Catholic Historical Review 64 ( 1978) 377-97; H. J. Légier, "L'église et l'économie médiévale: la monnaie ecclésiastique de Lyon", Annales 12 ( 1957) 561-72; H. Schmidinger, Patriarch und Landesherr ( Cologne, 1954) (on Aquileia); A. Chédeville, Chartres et ses campagnes du Xe au XIIIe siécle ( Paris, 1973); and K.-H. Spiess, "Königshof und Fürstenhof: der Adel und die Mainzer Erzblschöfe im 12 Jh.", Deus qui mutat tempora: Menschen und Institutionen im Wandel des Mittelalters: Festschrift füns Becker (Sigmaringen, 1987), 203-34. On cathedral lands, it is particularly worth looking at Major K., "Finances of the Dean and Chapter of Lincoln", JEH 5 ( 1954) 149-67.

iv. Clerical Privilege.
There is material on this in many of the general studies of canon law, but it has attracted relatively few works as a topic in its own right. The best is a solid piece of work which covers the subject generally, R. Génestal's book Le privilegium fori en France du Décret de Gratien à la findu XIVe siècle du XIVe siècle, 2 vols. ( Paris, 1921-4); and L. C. Gabel, Benefit of Clergy in England in the Later Middle Ages ( Northampton, 1929), is valuable for our period also. There is a good discussion of the English situation after Becket in C. R. Cheney, "Punishment of Felonous Clerks", EHR 51 ( 1936) 215-36.

v. The Growth of Canon Law.
References are necessarily to the text published by E. Friedberg, Corpus Iuris Canonici, 2nd ed. ( Leipzig, 1879; repr. Graz, 1959), an indispensible but far from critical edition. There is an attractive short introduction to the spirit of canon law by S. Kuttner, Harmony from Dissonance, in his collected essays, The History of Ideas and Doctrines of Canon Law, in the Middle Ages ( London, 1980); and some interesting remarks by J. Brundage, "The Creative Canonist", The Jurist 31 ( 1971) 301-18. Among the general histories of the subject are the following: P. Fournier and G. Le Bras, Histoire des collections canoniques en occident, 2 vols. ( Paris, 1931); A. M. Stickler, Historia iuris canonici Latini: 1. Historia fontium ( Turin, 1950); W. M. Plöchl, Geschichte des Kirchenrechts, vol 2 ( Vienna, 1955); H. E. Feine , Kirchliche Rechtsgeschichte: die katholische Kirche, 4th edn. ( Cologne, 1964); and other works mentioned in General: ecclesiastical institutions above. H. Fuhrmann's Einfluss und Verbreitung der pseudoisidorischen Fälschungen, 3 vols. ( Stuttgart, 1972-4), has transformed previous thinking about the significance of this important collection. An indispensible guide to the material from Gratian onwards is provided by S. Kuttner, Repertorium der Kanonistik 1140-1234 (Vatican, 1937). Another useful work of reference by the same author is Index titulorum decretalium ex collectionibus tam privatis quam publicis conscriptus ( Milan, 1977), and X. Ochoa Sanz and A. Diez have published Indices canonum titulorum et capitulorum Corporis iuris canonici ( Rome, 1964). A more general reference work, of considerable use even if it has eccentricities, is J. A. Clarence Smith, Medieval Law Teachers and Writers ( Ottawa, 1975). The best study of Ivo of Chartres is that by R. Sprandel, Ivo von Chartres und seine Stellung in der Kirchengeschichte ( Stuttgart, 1962). The limitations of our knowledge of Gratian's biography have been stressed by J. T. Noonan, "Gratian Slept Here", Traditio 35 ( 1979) 145-72. J. T. Noonan and P. Classen have disputed the existence of a formal approval of Gratian's collection in BMCL 6 ( 1976) 15-28 and 8 ( 1978) 38-40. For the significance of Gratian in the politics of the period, see 8.i. above. On the early relations of Bologna and Rome there is an interesting study by R. Somerville , "Pope Innocent II and the Study of Roman Law", Revue des Études Islamiques 44 ( 1976) 105-14, and there is a useful survey of recent work by V. Piergiovanni, "Il primo secolo della scuola canonistica di Bologna", ICMCL 6 ( 1985) 241-56.

vi. The Critics.
The standard study of Gerhoh is the excellent one by P. Classen , Gerhoch von Reichersberg: eine Biographie ( Wiesbaden, 1960). On Bernard of Clairvaux, see ch. 10.iv, and on Arnold, G. W. Greenaway, Arnold of Brescia ( London, 1931), and A. Frugoni, Arnaldo da Brescia nelle fonti del secolo XII ( Rome, 1954). A. Linder's article "The Myth of Constantine the Great", SM iii. 16 ( 1975) 43-95 explores some areas of radical thought. J. A. Yunck examines the growth of satire in The Lineage of Lady Meed ( Indiana, 1963), and its application to ecclesiastical administration is discussed by J. Benzinger, Invectiva in Romam: Romkritik im Mittelalter vom 9 bis zum 12 Jh. ( Hamburg, 1968), and H. Schüppert, Kirchenkritik in der lateinischen Lyrik des 12 und 13 Jhs ( Munich, 1972). R. M. Thomson has edited and translated one of the early classics in the genre, the Tractatus Garsiae, or the Translation of the Relics of Saints Gold and Silver (Leiden, 1973).

PART III. THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY
There are lively introductory books by L. Génicot, Le XIIIe siècle européen ( Paris, 1968), and P. Brezzi, Il secolo del rinnovamento: la rinascita del Duecento ( Rome, 1973).

Chapter 17. The Pontificate of Innocent III 1198-1216
i. The New Pope.
The work with which modern readers should begin is H. Tillmann , Pope Innocent III ( Amsterdam, 1980), a translation of the German original of 1954. There is an important collection of articles by M. Maccarrone , Studi su Innocenzo III ( Padua, 1972), The contemporary biography of the pope, Gesta Innocentii papae III, lacks a critical edition but is available in PL 214. xv-ccxxviii. Much of our information comes from the magnificent series of papal registers, printed in PL 214-6. The ambitious project for a new edition under the guidance of O. Hageneder and others has so far only reached the second year (Cologne, 1965 and Rome, 1979). The basic study of the registers is F. Kempf, Die Register Innozenz III ( Rome, 1945). The most thorough study of Innocent before his pontificate is that of M. Maccarrone, "Innocenzo III prima del pontificato", Archivio della Deputazione Romana 66 ( 1943) 59-134. Cardinal Lothar's legal training was examined by K. Pennington, "The Legal Education of Pope Innocent III", BMCL 4 ( 1974) 70-7. The text of his most famous writing has been edited by R. E. Lewis, Lotario dei Segni: de Miseria Condicionis Humane ( Athens, Ga., 1978), which provides the 'received' text of the later Middle Ages, and the significance of the book is discussed by R. Bultot, "Mépris du monde dans la pensée d'Innocent III", CCM 4 ( 1961) 441-56, and J. C. Moore , "Innocent III's de miseria condicionis humane: a speculum curiae?", Catholic Historical Review 67 ( 1981) 553-64. The sermons (PL 217.313-688) have been examined by G. Scuppa, "I sermoni di Innocenzo III" (Pontificia Università Lateranense, unpublished dissertation, 1961). Innocent's euch- aristic doctrine is discussed by D. F. Wright, "Albert the Great's Critique of Lothar of Segni", The Thomist 44( 1980) 584-96.

ii. The Papal State, Sicily, and the Empire.
The 'recuperation' inevitably bulks large in the major histories of the Papal State ( General: Rome and the Papal State above ) and in D. P. Waley, The Papal State in the Thirteenth Century ( London, 1961). The legal basis for the claims is discussed at length in M. Laufs , Politik und Recht bei Innozenz III (Cologne, 1980); see the review by F. Kempf in AHP 19 ( 1981) 361-7, whose views are followed in the text. The regency of Innocent in Sicily has been studied by T. C. Van Cleve, Markward of Anweiler and the Sicilian Regency ( Princeton, 1937), and E. Kennan , "Innocent III and the First Political Crusade", Traditio 27 ( 1971) 231-49. The basis for an understanding of the relations between papacy and empire must be the volume edited by F. Kempf, Regestum Innocentii III super negotio Romani Imperii ( Rome, 1947), and his fine study, Papsttum und Kaisertum bei Innocenz III ( Rome, 1954), with further reflections in "Innozenz III und der deutscher Thronstreit", AHP 23 ( 1985) 63-91. The significance of the register has been reassessed by O. Hageneder, "Zur Entstehung des Thronstreitregisters Papst Innocenz III", Studien zu Ehren von H. Hoberg ( Rome, 1979), i. 275 -80. There are articles on specific aspects of relations with Otto IV by H. Tillmann in HJb 84 ( 1964) 34-85 and 85 ( 1965) 28-49; A. Haidacher, "Über den Zeitpunkt der Exkommunikation Ottos IV", Römische Historische Mitteilungen 3 ( 1960) 132-85; and H.-E. Hilpert , "Zwei Briefe Kaiser Ottos IV an Johann Ohneland", DAEM 38 ( 1982) 123-40.

iii. Innocent III and the Lay Power.
Apart from sections in the general works already mentioned, there is a magnificent study by C. R. Cheney, "Pope Innocent III and England", Päpste und Papsttum 9 ( Stuttgart, 1976). Volumes on Innocent's relations with other countries are planned for the same series. Cheney's study rested on The Letters of Pope Innocent III concerning England and Wales : a Calendar, ed. C. R. and M. G. Cheney ( Oxford, 1967). Still of interest, although requiring amendment in detail, is F. M. Powicke, Stephen Langton ( Oxford, 1928). There are general views of the development of papal claims to secular authority by J. A. Watt, "The Theory of Papal Monarchy in the Thirteenth Century", Traditio 20 ( 1964) 179-317 and B. Tierney , "The Continuity of Papal Political Theory in the Thirteenth Century", MS 27 ( 1965) 227-45. On special features of papal theory during the pontificate, there are articles by O. Hageneder, "Das Sonne-MondGleichnis bei Innócenz III", MIOG 65 ( 1957) 340-68; B. Tierney, "Tria quippe distinguit iudicia: a Note on per venerabilem", Speculum 37 ( 1962) 48-59; M. Maccarrone, "Innocenzo III e la feudalità: non ratione feudi, sed occasione peccati, École française de Rome 44" ( 1978) 475-514, and his "La papauté et Philippe Auguste: la décrétale novit ille", R. H. Bautier (ed.), La France dePhillipe Auguste ( Paris, 1982), 385 -409; and K. Pennington, Pope Innocent III's Views on Church and State: a Gloss to per venerabilem, Law, Church and Society: Essays in Honor of Stephan Kuttner ( Pennsylvania, 1977) 49-67. H. Lanz has written on Die romanischen Wandmalereien von San Silvestro in Tivoli (Frankfurt, 1983), an important statement of contemporary ideas.

iv. Reform. There are important studies of the concept of papal authority within the church by K. Pennington, Pope and Bishops: the Papal Monarchy in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries ( Pennsylvania, 1984) (in which the role of Innocent III bulks large) and W. Imkamp, Das Kirchenbild Innocenz III, Päpste und Papsttum 22 ( Stuttgart, 1983). In spite of the reforming spirit of the pontificate, ancient abuses still lingered, and a satire on the curia is discussed and edited by P. G. Schmidt, "Novus regnat Salomon: une satire contre Innocent III", Festschrift B. Bischoff ( Stuttgart, 1971), 372-90.

v. The Christian East.
The diversion of the Fourth Crusade presents a fascinating detective story which has attracted many investigators, and the best place to start is D. E. Queller's Fourth Crusade : the Conquest of Constantinople ( Leicester, 1978), with C. M. Brand's criticism in "The Fourth Crusade: Some Recent Interpretations", Medievalia et Humanistica 12 ( 1984) 33-45, and his book, Byzantium confronts the West ( Cambridge, Mass., 1968). The Latin intrusion into the affairs of the Greek church is reserved for another volume, but a sequence of negotiations in which the popes were much involved is examined by R. L. Wolff, "Politics in the Latin patriarchate of Constantinople", Dumbarton Oaks Papers 8 ( 1954) 225-303.

vi. The Struggle with Heresy.
For the background, see ch.14-i-ii. The best survey of Innocent's policy is by C. Thouzellier, Catharisme et valdéisme en Languedoc, 2nd edn. ( Paris, 1969). The approach of Innocent to the Humiliati is discussed by B. Bolton in SCH 8 ( 1972) 73-82 and 11 ( 1975) 125 -33, with a good bibliography, and his legislation by W. Ullmann, "The Significance of Innocent III"s Decretal Vergentis, Le Bras 1.729-41. The history of the Albigensian movement is surveyed by R. Manselli, "Albigenser", LdM 302-7, and at full length by E. Griffe, Les débuts de l'aventure cathare en Languedoc, Le languedoc cathare de 1190 à 1210, and Le Languedoc cathare au temps de la croisade ( Paris, 1969-73); and by M. Roquebert , L'épopée cathare, 3 vols. ( Paris, 1970-86). R. Lafont and others provide a wide range of discussion in Les cathares en Occitanie ( Paris, 1982). On the growth of repression there is J. R. Strayer, The Albigensian Crusades, New York, 1971); W. L. Wakefield, Heresy, Crusade and Inquisition in Southern France 1100-1250 ( London, 1974); and J. Sumption, The Albigensian Crusade ( London, 1978). Seealso the studies in Paix de Dieu et guerre sainte en Languedoc au XIIIe siécle, CF 4 ( 1969).

vii. Fourth Lateran Council.
The text is in Alberigo 203-47 and A. Garcia y Garcia , Consuetudines concilii quarti Lateranensis una cum commentariis glossatorum (Vatican, 1981), and an English translation by H. Rothwell, English Historical Documents 1189-1327 ( London, 1975), 643-75. There is useful discussion, as well as a French translation, in Foreville 227-395, and an important eyewitness is splendidly edited by S. Kuttner and A. Garcia y Garcia , "A New Eyewitness Account of the Fourth Lateran Council", Traditio 20 ( 1964) 115-78.

Chapter 18. Friars, Beguines and the Campaign Against Heresy
i. The growth of the friars. One of the best general accounts is in D. Knowles, The Religious Orders in England ( Cambridge, 1948), and the results of modern scholarship, with translations of important materials, are well presented in R. B. Brooke, The Coming of the Friars ( London, 1975). The mutual influence of the two orders is discussed in an indispensible article by K. Elm, "Franziskus und Dominikus", Saeculum 23 ( 1972) 127-47. Franciscans. The general survey by J. R. H. Moorman, A History of the Franciscan Order ( Oxford, 1968), is a good starting-place. The life which inaugurated a new period of scholarship was the famous work of P. Sabatier , Life of S. Francis of Assisi (English tr. London, 1894). Among the huge output of biographies since then we may mention J. R. H. Moorman, S. Francis of Assisi, 2nd edn. ( London, 1963) and R. Manselli, San Francesco, 2nd edn. ( Rome, 1981). The works of Francis have been published in several recent editions, notably by K. (or C.) Esser, Die opuscula des hl. Franziskus von Assisi, Grottaferrata ( Rome, 1976, shortened version 1978). His text is the basis for the edition with French tr. by T. Desbonnets and others, Franfois d'Assise: écrits, SC 285 ( 1981). There are English translations by M. Habig, S. Francis of Assisi: Writings and Early Biographies ( London, 1979), and R. J. Armstrong and I. C. Brady, Francis and Clare: the Complete Works ( London, 1982). There is also an edition and translation of the Scripta Leonis, Rufini et Angeli sociorum S. Francisci by R. B. Brooke ( Oxford, 1970). All these works present difficult problems of interpretation, to which there is an excellent introduction in K. A. Fink, Papsttum und Kirche im abendländischen Mittelalter ( Munich, 1981), 72-85. The best analysis for English readers is by J. R. H. Moorman, The sources for the Life of S. Francis of Assisi ( Manchester, 1940). The interrelationship between the various collections is examined by R. B. Brooke, "Recent work on S. Francis of Assisi", Analecta Bollandiana 100 ( 1982) 653-76. C. Esser has assessed the significance of Francis' work as a legislator in his Rule and Testament of S. Francis: Conferences to Modern Followers ( Chicago, 1977), and studied the ideas of the early days in Origins of the Franciscan Order ( Chicago, 1970). The influence of the papacy upon its development has been examined by K.-V. Selge , "Franz von Assisi und die römische Kurie", Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche 67 ( 1970) 129-61; H. Grundmann, "Die Bulle Quo elongati Gregors" IX', AFH 54 ( 1961) 3-25; W. R. Thomson, "The Earliest Cardinalprotectors of the Franciscan Order", Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 9 ( 1972) 17-so; and J. M. Powell, "The Papacy and the Early Franciscans", Franciscan Studies 36 ( 1976) 248-62. On the conflict of ideas up to the middle of the century there is R. B. Brooke, Early Franciscan Government: Elias to Bonaventure ( Cambridge, 1959), and Lambert M. D., Franciscan Poverty ( London, 1961). The wider influence of Francis is the subject of articles by E. Delaruelle, La piété populaire au Moyen Age ( Turin, 1975), 229-75. On his companion Clare there is R. B. and C. N. L. Brooke, "S. Clare", in SCH Subsidia 1 ( 1978) 275-88; and Klara von Assisi: Studientage der Franziskanischen Arbeitsgemeinschaft (Werl, 1980).

Dominicans. The starting-point is W. A. Hinnebusch, The History of the Dominican Order, 2 vols. ( New York, 1965-73). The standard life of Dominic himself is M.-H. Vicaire, Histoire de S. Dominique, new edn. ( Paris, 1982) (English tr. of earlier edn. London, 1964). See also P. Mandonnet and M.-H. Vicaire, S. Dominique: l'idée, l'homme et l'æuvre, 2 vols. ( Paris, 1938); and M.-H. Vicaire, Dominique et ses prêcheurs (Freiburg, 1977). There is a perceptive discussion by C. N. L. Brooke, "S. Dominic and his first biographer", Medieval Church and Society ( London, 1971), 21432. The development of the Preachers is less problematical than that of the Minors, but it presents its difficulties, which are explored by G. R. Galbraith , The Constitution of the Dominican Order ( Manchester, 1925); R. F. Bennett , The early Dominicans ( Cambridge, 1937); and J.-P. Renard, La formation et la désignation des prédicateurs au début de l'Ordre des Prêcheurs (Freiburg, 1977), an excellent analysis of their standing in the history of preaching. Expansion. The general histories of the orders naturally give a good deal of information about this, and in addition there are very many local studies. It is worth mentioning the two volumes which Cahiers de Fanjeaux have devoted to the friars: i ( 1966), S. Dominique en Languedoc, and viii ( 1973), Les mendiants en pays d'Oc au XIIIe siécle ; and J. B. Freed, The Friars and German Society in the Thirteenth Century ( Cambridge, Mass., 1977). Their involvement in the process of urbanization is considered in an article by J. Le Goff in Annales 25 ( 1970) 924-46, and in K. Elm (ed.), Stellung und Wirksamkeit der Bettelorden in der stédtischen Gesellschaft ( Berlin, 1981). The development of the friars' churches is discussed by G. Meersseman, "L'architecture dominicaine au XIIle siécle: législation et pratique", AFP 16 ( 1946) 136-90. On the advancement of the friars to positions of power, see W. R. Thomson , Friars in the Cathedral: the First Franciscan Bishops 1226-61 ( Toronto, 1975); and, on their dramatic intervention in the politics of northern Italy, A. Vauchez, "Une campagne de pacification en Lombardie autour de 1233", Mélanges d'Archéologie et d'Histoire 78 ( 1966) 503-49.

ii. Religion for the Women: the Rise of the Beguines. The general survey by E. McDonnell , The Beguines and Beghards in Medieval Culture (Rutgers, 1954), if not always clear in arrangement, offers an excellent introduction. The question of social origins is discussed in O. Nübel, Mittelalterliche Beginenund Sozialsiedlungen in den Niederlanden (Tübingen, 1970). There are important articles by B. M. Bolton: "Mulieres sanctae", SCH 10 ( 1973) 77-95; "Vitae matrum: a Further Aspect of the Frauenfrage", SCH Subsidia 1 ( 1979) 253-73; and "Some Thirteenth-century Women in the Low Countries", Niederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiednis 61, 1 ( 1981) 7-19. The works of an early Begulne are available in English translation in C. Hart, Hadewijch: the Complete Works ( London, 1981), which is in fact not quite complete but provides a splendid collection based on the magisterial edition of J. Van Mierlo . Her place in the development of spirituality is examined by F. Gooday , "Mechtild of Magdeburg and Hadewijch of Antwerp: a Comparison", Ons geestelijk erf 48 ( 1974) 305-62.

The discussion of the position of women in religious life was initiated in its classic form by C. Bücher, Die Frauenfrage im Mittelalter (Tiibingen, 1882). The spiritual ideals presented to them are considered in an interesting book by M. Bernards, Speculum Virginum: Geistigkeit und Seelenleben der Frau im Hochmittelalter, AKg Beiheft 16 ( 1981), and in J. Bugge, Virginitas: an Essay in the History of a Medieval Ideal ( The Hague, 1974). A very good collection of studies has been edited by P. Dinzelbacher and D. R. Bauer, Frauenmystik im Mittelalter ( Stuttgart, 1985). See also G. Koch, Frauenfrage und Ketzertum im Mittelalter ( Berlin, 1962). On medieval nunneries, the best general works are those by M. Parisse, Les nonnes au Moyen âge ( Le Puy, 1983), and M. de Fontette, Les religieuses á l'âge classique du droit canon ( Paris, 1967); and there is a series of articles in J. A. Nichols and L. T. Shank, Distant Echoes: Medieval Religious Women ( Kalamazoo, 1984). The contribution of the Cistercians is discussed by B. Degler-Spengler, "Zisterzienserorden und Frauenkléster" in K. Elm (ed.), Die Zisterzienser (Cologne, 1982), 213-20, and S. Thompson, "The Problem of the Cistercian Nuns in the Twelfth and Early Thirteenth Centuries", SCH Subsidia 1 ( 1978) 22752; and a series, Les moniales Cisterciennes (Aiguebelle, 1986), will provide a full history. For the importance in this area of Robert of Arbrissel (whose devotion to women's liberation has been exaggerated) and other new orders, see works mentioned in ch. 10. ii above. The social status of women has been the subject of much recent study, and there is a useful list of publications assembled by G. Erickson and K. Casey in MS 37 ( 1975) 34059. Symposia include "Medieval Women", SCH Subsidia 1 ( 1978); Lafemme dans les civilisations des X-XIIIe siécles ( Poitiers, 1977); and Women of the medieval World: Essays in Honour of J. H. Mundy ( Oxford, 1985). Books include R. Pernoud, La femme au temps des cathédrales ( Paris, 1980) (an introductory but agreeable sketch); A. M. Lucas, Women in the Middle Ages:Religion, Marriage and Letters. ( Brighton, 1982); and S. Shahar, The Fourth Estate ( London, 1983). On the cult of the Virgin Mary, the best work to consult initially is perhaps H. Graef, Mary: a History of Doctrine and Devotion, i ( London, 1963), with good references to contemporary sources; and there is still much of value in S. Beissel, Geschichte der Verehrung Marias in Deutschland während des Mittelalters (Freiburg, 1909). Another good survey is by P. S. Gold, The Lady and the Virgin: Image, Attitude and Experience in Twelfth-century France ( Chicago, 1985). On three of the important Marian devotions there is A. W. Burridge , "L'immaculée conception dans la théologie de l'Angleterre médiéale", RHE 32 ( 1936) 570-98; P. Glorieux, "Alain de Lille, docteur de l'Assomption", Mélanges de science religieuse 8 ( 1951) 5-18; and S. Solway, "A Numismatic Source of the Madonna of Mercy", Analecta Bollandiana 67 ( 1985) 359-67. For an introduction to a major Marian shrine see E. Mason, "Rocamadour in Quercy above All Other Churches", SCH 19 ( 1982) 39-54. The development of the Marian legends has been re-assessed by R. W. Southern , "The English Origins of the Miracles of the Virgin", Medieval and Renaissance Studies 4 ( 1958) 176-216, and J. C. Jennings, "The origin of the Elements Series of the Miracles of the Virgin", Medieval and Renaissance Studies 6 ( 1968) 84-94.

iii. The repression of heresy.
See also ch. 14. i-ii and 17. vi.
The best handbook on the inquisition is now B. Hamilton, The Medieval Inquisition ( London, 1981), and there are also survey works by J. Guiraud, Histoire de l'inquisition au Moyen Âge, 2 vols. ( Paris, 1935) (see also his The Medieval Inquisition ( London, 1929)) and H. Maisonneuve, Études sur les origines de l'inquisition 2nd edn. ( Paris, 1960). The extent to which Dominic himself sympathized with repression is argued by M.-H. Vicaire and C. Thouzellier in Annales du Midi 79 ( 1967) 173-94 and 80 ( 1968) 121-38, and CF 6 ( 1971) 75-84. Important sources for the Midi were published by C. Douais, Documents pour servir á l'histoire de l'inquisition dans le Languedoc, 2 vols. ( Paris, 1900). There is a fine recent study by E. Griffe, Le Languedoc cathare et l'inquisition ( Paris, 1980), and for institutional history there is Y. Dossat, Les crises de l'inquisition toulousaine au XIIIe siécle (Bordeaux, 1959), and now the thorough study of L. Kolmer, "Ad capiendas vulpeculas": Ketzerbekämpfung in Südfrankreich in der ersten Hälfte des 13 Jhs, Beiheft der Francia 19 ( 1982). E. Le Roy Ladurie 's famous Montaillou ( London, 1978), belongs to a later stage in the decline of Catharism. Practically every volume of CF contains material on the history of the struggle in the Midi. On Germany there is R. Kieckhefer , The Repression of Heresy in Medieval Germany (Liverpool, 1979); A. Patschovsky, "Zur Ketzerverfolgung Konrads von Marburg", DAEM 37 ( 1981) 641-93 (which is of wide significance in understanding the origins of the inquisition); and P. Segl, Ketzer in Oesterreich ( Vienna, 1984). On the career of Robert le Bougre see E. Chénon, "L'hérésie à Charité-sur-Loire", RHDFE 41 ( 1917) 299-345, and C. H. Haskins, "Robert le Bougre and the Beginnings of the Inquisition in Northern France", Studies in Medieval Culture ( Oxford, 1929), 193-244. The controversy with heretics is documented in the general works, but specially noteworthy is the work published by A. Dondaine, Un traité néo-manichéen du XIIIe siécle: le Liber de duobus principiis ( Rome, 1939). On the development of repression against the Jews in the thirteenth century, there is a sober account by E. A. Synan, The Popes and the Jews in the Middle Ages ( New York, 1965), and an important but controversial work by J. Cohen, The Friars and the Jews ( Ithaca, 1982).

Chapter 19: Proclaiming the Faith
i. Crusade and mission.
(See also ch. 11 and 17.v).
There are some important studies on the thirteenth-century crusades by J. Richard which may be found in his collected studies, Orient et occident au Moyen Áge ( London, 1976). There is a reassessment by P. Raedts of "The Children's Crusade of 1212", JMH 3 ( 1977) 279-323, and significant new perceptions in R. T. Spence , "Pope Gregory IX and the Crusade" ( University of Syracuse Ph.D Thesis 1978). The circumstances behind the expedition of 1249 are examined in W. C. Jordan, Louis IX and the Challenge of the Crusade ( Princeton, 1979). The Baltic war is discussed in W. Urban, The Prussian Crusade and The Livonian Crusade ( Washington, 1980-1), and the activity of the military orders in H. Nowak (ed.), Die Rolle der Ritterorden in der Christianisierung des Ostseegebietes ( Torun, 1983); H. Boockman, Der Deutsche Orden ( Munich, 1981); G. Labuda, "Die Urkunden über die Anfánge des Deutschen Ordens 1226-46", VuF 26 ( 1980) 299-316; and D. Wojtecki , "Der Deutsche Orden unter Friedrich II", VuF 16 ( 1974) 187-224.

The beginning of western contact with further Asia, the story of Prester John, is excellently discussed by B. Hamilton, "Prester John and the Three Kings of Cologne", Studies in Medieval History Presented to R. H. C. Davis ( London, 1985) 177-92. The best introduction to thirteenth-century Asia is now D. Morgan, The Mongols ( Oxford, 1986), and the standard work on the Mongol mission is G. Soranzo, Il papato, l'Europa cristiana e i Tartari ( Milan, 1930). Some of the major texts, including descriptions by Franciscan travellers, are translated by C. Dawson, The Mongol Mission ( London, 1955), and there is an intelligent survey by I. de Rachewiltz, Papal Envoys to the Great Khan ( London, 1971). The western understanding of eastern Christians is thoroughly analysed in A. D. von den Brincken, Die nationes Christianorum orientalium im Verständnis der lateinischen Historiographie (Cologne, 1973), and papal involvement in Asia is examined in K. M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant, i ( Philadelphia, 1976), and in the first section of J. Muldoon's Popes, Lawyers and Infidels (Liverpool, 1979). K. E. Lupprian , Die Beziehungen der Päpste zu islamischen und mongolischen Herrschern ( Rome, 1981), has provided editions of the essential correspondence. E. Siberry's book, Criticism of Crusading 1095-1274 ( Oxford, 1985), challenges the picture of the decline of the movement presented by P. A. Throop , Criticism of the Crusade ( Amsterdam, 1940; repr. Philadelphia, 1975). E. R. Daniel, The Franciscan Conception of Mission in the high Middle Ages ( Kentucky, 1975), and G. Basetti-Sani, L'Islam e Francisco d'Assisi ( Florence, 1975), explore the new missionary thinking in the order.

ii. The pastoral revolution.
For an introductory survey, see P. Michaud Quantin , "Les méthodes de pastorale du XIIIe au XVe siécle", Misc. Med. 7 ( 1970) 76-91. A wide range of pastoral methods is surveyed in Faire croire: modalités de la diffusion et de la réception des messages religieux du XIIe au XVe siécle, École, française de Rome 51 ( 1981). There is a major book by J. W. Baldwin , Masters, Princes and Merchants: the Social Views of Peter the Chanter and his Circle, 2 vols. ( Princeton, 1970), devoted to the school of pastoral theology at Paris.

Penance.
General books are listed in ch. 15-iv, and N. Beriou has written a valuable article, "Autour du Latran IV: la naissance de la confession moderne et sa diffusion", Pratiques de la confession ( Paris, 1983), 73-93. The development of Summae confessorum is surveyed by P. Michaud-Quantin in Recherches de Théologie Ancienne et Médiévale 26 ( 1959) 261-306 and in his Sommes de casuistiquc et manuels de confession ( Namur, 1962); and there is a tart and original contribution in T. N. Tentler, "The summa for Confessors as an Instrument of Social Control", in C. Trinkaus (ed.), The Pursuit of Holiness in Late Medieval and Renaissance Religion (Leiden, 1974), 103-37. There are now modern editions of most of the penitential manuals of the period. See P. Michaud-Quantin in Sacris Erudiri 17 ( 1966) 5-54; A. Morey, Bartholomew of Exeter ( Cambridge, 1937); J. Longére (ed.), Alain de Lille, Liber Poenitentialis, 2 vols. ( Namur, 1965); J. J. F. Firth (ed.), Robert of Flamborough, Liber Poenitentialis ( Toronto, 1971); J. Longére(ed.), Petrus Pictaviensis, Summa de Confessione, CC(CM) 51 ( 1980); and F. Bloomfield (ed.), Thomas of Chobham, Summa Confessorum (Louvain, 1968). There is an interesting text and discussion in J. Goering and F. A. C. Mantello (ed.), "The Perambulavit ludas attributed to Robert Grosseteste", RB 96 ( 1986) 125 -68. There are introductions to the vernacular tradition in E. J. Arnould, "Le manuel des péchés: étude de littérature religieuse anglo-normande, XIIIe siécle" ( Paris, 1940), and D. W. Robertson, "The Cultural Tradition of Handlyng synne, Speculum 22" ( 1947) 162-85. The debate on purgatory has made a new start with J. Le Goff's The Birth of Purgatory (English tr. London, 1984), and a series of articles to which it has given rise: A. J. Gurevich, "Popular and Scholarly Medieval Cultural Traditions", JMH 9 ( 1983) 71-90; A. H. Bredero , "Le Moyen Áge et le purgatoire", RHE 78 ( 1983) 429-52; J.-P. Massaut , "La vision de l'au-delÁ au Moyen Áge", MA 91 ( 1985) 75-86; E. Mégier, Deux exemples de prépurgatoire" , CCM 28 ( 1985) 45-62; and G. R. Edwards, "Purgatory: Birth or Evolution?", JEH 36 ( 1985) 634-46.

Preaching.
(See also ch. 12.v).
The best general account is probably still A. Lecoy de la Marche , La chaire française au Moyen Áge, spécialement au XIIIe siécle ( Paris, 1886; repr. 1974). Particular aspects are examined by M. Peuchmaurd , "Mission canonique et prédication", Recherches de Téologie Ancienne et Méiévale 30 ( 1963) 122-44, 251-76; and D. W. Robertson, "Frequency of Preaching in Thirteenth-century England", Speculum 24 ( 1949) 376-88. Specific studies of preachers include J. M. Powell, Speculum 52 ( 1977) 522-37 and RSCI 33 ( 1979) 95-104 on Honorius III; and, on Paris preaching, P. B. Roberts, Stephanus de Lingua-Tonante: Studies in the Sermons of Stephen Langton ( Toronto, 1968); and M. M. Dávy, Les sermons universitaires Parisiens 1230-1 ( Paris, 1931). D. d'Avray has now explored the tradition of Franciscan preaching in an outstanding book, The Preaching of the Friars ( Oxford, 1985). J. Le Goff has written a stimulating article, "Au XIIIe slécle une parole nouvelle" in J. Delumeau Histoire vécue du peuple chrétien 2 vols. ( Paris, 1979) i. 257-79. The preachers' exempla, anecdotes designed to please their hearers, have delighted historians also, and the best approaches to this literature are through L'exemplum by C. Brémond, J. Le Goff and J. C. Schmitt (Turnhout, 1982), and the collection edited by J.-C. Schmitt , Prêher d'exemples ( Paris, 1985).

iii. Popular religion.
For general works see ch. 12.i above: there is also a fascinating collection of studies on lay and popular attitudes in J. Le Goff, L'imaginaire médiéval ( Paris, 1985). Several scholars have recently been turning sermon collections to good account as a basis for an understanding of the state of popular religion. Among such studies are those of R. Godding , "Vie apostolique et société urbaine áa l'aube du XIIIe siécle", Nouvelle Revue Théologique 1982, 692-721; and A. Murray, "Piety and Impiety in Thirteenth-century Italy", SCH 8 ( 1972) 83-106, and "Religion among the Poor in Thirteenth-century France", Traditio 30 ( 1974) 285-324. The cult of the saints gives a great deal of information about popular piety, and it has been splendidly explored by M. Goodich, "Vita perfecta": the Ideal of Sainthood in the Thirteenth Century ( Stuttgart, 1982), and A. Vauchez, La sainteé en occident aux derniers siàcles du Moyen Áge ( Rome, 1981). There is also brilliant detective work in J.-C. Schmitt's The Holy Greyhound ( Cambridge, 1983). B. Cazelles, Le corps de sainteté ( Geneva, 1982), points to the striking contrast between the saints chosen for official canonization and those who were the favourite subject for lives in Old French. The articles in J.-C. Schmitt, Les saints et les stars ( Paris, 1983), raise general issues about the subject as a whole.

There is valuable material on superstitions in A. Franz, "De Officio Cherubyn", Theologische Quartalschrift 88 ( 1906) 411-36, and an excellent account of the husbandman's year in G. C. Homans, English Villagers of the Thirteenth Century ( Cambridge, Mass., 1941). The greater part of our information about popular practices comes from local material, and among the mass of this we may instance the interesting information about Roman ceremonials in Benedict's Liber Politicus in P. Fabré (ed.), Liber Censuum ii ( Paris, 1905), 171-4; L. Dumont, La Tarasque 2nd edn. ( Paris, 1951); R. Hertz , S. Besse: a study of an Alpine cult in S. Wilson (ed.), Saints and their Cults ( Cambridge, 1983), 55-100; E. Pitz, "Religiöse Bewegungen im mittelalterliche Niedersachsen", Niedersächsisches Jahrbuch für Landesgeschichte 49 ( 1977) 45-66; K. L. Jolly, "Anglo-Saxon Charms in the Context of a Christian World View", JMH 11 ( 1985) 279-93; J. Bordenave and M. Vialelle , La mentalité religieuse des paysans de l'Alibigeois médiéval ( Toulouse, 1973); La religion populaire en Languedoc du XIIIe siècle à la moitié du XIVe siècle, CF 11 ( 1976);and A. Gieysztor, "La religion populaire en Pologne et en Bohême", J. Delumeau, Histoire vécue du peuple chrétien, 2 vols. ( Paris, 1979), i.315-34.The practice of 'fool feasts' is briefly noted, with references, in S. Billington, A Social History of the Fool ( New York, 1984).

Chapter 20: Reason and Hope in a Changing World
i. The universities. (See also ch. 2.iii above). A basic book, still of value, is H. Rashdell , The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. F. M. Powicke and A. B. Emden ( Oxford, 1936). This should now be controlled by G. Leff , Paris and Oxford Universities in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries ( London, 1968); A. B. Cobban, The Medieval Universities: their Development and Organization ( London, 1975); and above all by S. C. Ferruolo's very interesting book, The Origins of the University (Stanford, 1985). The career prospects of graduates and Paris masters are examined by J. W. Baldwin in "Studium et Regnum", Colloques internationaux de La Napoule 1 ( Paris, 1977), 199-215, and "Masters at Paris from 1179 to 1215", RR 138-72. On the prohibition of the study of civil law at Paris, see W. Ullmann, "Honorius III and the Prohibition of Legal Studies", Judicial Review 60 ( 1948) 177-86, and S. Kuttner, "Papst Honorius III und das Studium des Zivilrechts", Festschrift für Martin Wolff (Tübingen, 1952), 79-101.

ii. Theology:
from pastoral care to speculation. Basic discussions, in addition to those mentioned in Ch. 15.i above, are by M.-D. Chenu, Introduction á l'étude de S. Thomas d'Aquin, 3rd edn ( Paris, 1974) and La théologie comme science au XIIIe siècle, 3rd edn. ( Paris 1957). There are valuable articles on technical questions by K. J. Becker, "Articulus fidei", Gregorianum 54 ( 1973) 517-69, and R. H. and M. A. Rouse, "Statim invenire: Schools, Preachers and New Attitudes to the Page", RR 201-25. For the translations from Greek and Arabic, the best foundation article is by M.-T. d'Alverny, "Translations and Translators", RR 421-62. On the wider philosophical issues, see The Cambridge History of Later Medieval Philosophy, ed. N. Kretzmann, A. Kenny, and J. Pinborg ( Cambridge, 1982); R. Klibansky, The Continuity of the Platonic Tradition during the Middle Ages ( London, 1939); and D. A. Callus, The Introduction of Aristotelian Learning to Oxford ( London, 1944). One of the most important studies of thirteenth-century Aristotelianism is by M. Grabmann, I papi del duecento e l'Aristotelismo, i ( Rome, 1941). The book of R. C. Dales, The Scientific Achievement of the Middle Ages ( Pennsylvania, 1973), is also important in this connection. On the Paris masters specifically, the reference work of P. Glorieux, Répertoire des maîtres en théologie de Paris au XIIIe siècle, 2 vols. ( Paris, 1933-4), remains very useful, and there is a good account of the pastoral character of Paris theology at the turn of the century by J. Châtillon, Le mouvement théologique dans la France de Philippe Auguste, R. H. Bautier (ed.), La France de Phillipe Auguste ( Paris, 1982), 881-904. The Summa Aurea of William of Auxerre has recently been edited by J. Ribaillier in Spicilegium Bonaventurianum16-17 (Grottaferrata, 1982). There is an outstanding assessment of the Gospel commentaries by B. Smalley, The Gospels in the Schools C. 1100 -- C. 1280 ( London, 1985). On the English developments see J. J. McEvoy, The Philosophy of Robert Grosseteste ( Oxford, 1982); S. P. Marrone , William of Auvergne and Robert Grosseteste ( Princeton, 1983), and above all R. W. Southern, Robert Grosseteste ( Oxford, 1986).

iii. Joachim of Fiore.
Joachim is almost a rediscovery of the scholars of the past generation. The foundation of modern scholarship is the work of H. Grundmann , in particular Neue Forschungen über Joachim von Fiore (Marburg, 1950), and "Zur Biographie Joachims von Fiore und Rainers von Ponza" , DAEM 16 ( 1960) 437-546. These studies have been followed by three magisterial works: B. Töpfer, Das kommende Reich des Friedens ( Berlin, 1964); M. Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages ( Oxford, 1969); and H. Mottu, La manifestation de l'Esprit selon Joachim de Fiore (Neuchâtel, 1977). Two books which stress the revolutionary character of Joachim's 'third age' are G. Wendelborn, Gott und Geschichte (Cologne, 1974), and H. de Lubac, La postérité spirituelle de Joachim de Fiore, 2 vols ( Paris, 1979-81). There is also a shorter book by Reeves, Joachim of Fiore and the Prophetic Future ( London, 1976), and good introductions by D. C. West and S. Zimdars-Swartz, Joachim of Fiore: a Study in Spiritual Perception and History ( Bloomington, 1983), and B. McGinn, The Calabrian Abbot ( London, 1985). There are important collections of essays in Prophecy and Millenarianism: Essays in Honour of Marjorie Reeves ( London, 1980), and in D. C. West (ed.), Joachim of Fiore in Christian Thought, 2 vols. ( New York, 1975). The major works have not been edited since the sixteenth century, with the exception of the Concordia novi et veteris Testamenti, ed. E. R. Daniel ( Philadelphia, 1983), and the newly discovered Book of Figures, ed. L. Tondelli , M. Reeves, and B. Hirsch-Reich ( Turin, 1953), and analysed by Reeves and Hirsch-Reich, The 'Figurae' of Joachim of Fiore ( Oxford, 1972). The bibliography is surveyed by M. W. Bloomfield in articles in Traditio 13 ( 1957) 249-311 and in Prophecy and Millenarianism (above) 21-52, and the debate is reviewed by Reeves, "The originality and influence of Joachim of Fiore", Traditio 35 ( 1980) 269-316.

iv. The influence of Joachim.
Not much work has been done on Joachim's direct descendants, the Florensian order, but there is a useful introduction by C. Baraut, "Per la storia dei monasteri Florensi" , Benedictina 4 ( 1950) 24168. M. W. Bloomfield and M. Reeves, "The Penetration of Joachim into Northern Europe", Speculum 29( 1954) 772-93, and B. McGinn, "Angel Pope and Papal Antichrist", Church History 47 ( 1978) 155-73, supply information about the evolution of the ideas. E. R. Daniel (see ch. 19.1) has argued for an authentically Franciscan eschatology, which only underwent serious influence from Joachism after our period. There is a broad discussion of the impact of apocalyptic thought on politics by H. M. Schaller , "Endzelt-Erwartung und Antichrist-Vorstellung in der Politik des 13 Jhs" , Festschrift H. Heimpel (Gættingen, 1972), 927-47. The polemic between Frederick II and the papacy is considered in ch. 22. The traditional attitudes which continued to prevail in large parts of the church are illustrated in B. A. Pitts, "Versions of the Apocalypse in Medieval French Verse", Speculum 58 ( 1983) 31-59. On the development of the controversy over purgatory see R. Ombres, "Latins and Greeks in Debate over Purgatory 1230-1439", JEH 35 ( 1984) 1-14.

Chapter 21. The Structure of Government
Apart from the general and national studies indicated at the beginning of this bibliography, there are two excellent accounts by J. R. H. Moorman, Church Life in England in the Thirteenth Century ( Cambridge, 1945), and R. Brentano , Two Churches: England and Italy in the Thirteenth Century ( Princeton, 1968). Both books are worth consulting on every aspect of this chapter.

i. The bishops.
More general works are mentioned in ch. 9. iii above. On the controversy over the status of the episcopate see R. P. Stenger, "The Episcopacy as an Ordo According to the Medieval Canonists", MS 29 ( 1967) 67-112, and A. McDevitt, "The Episcopate as an Order and Sacrament", Franciscan Studies 20 ( 1960) 96-148. O. Pontal has written a good introduction to the work of bishops in supervising the 'pastoral revolution' in "Lévolution épiscopale en France à l'époque de PhilippeAuguste" , AHC 12 ( 1980) 198-204; in Germany there is P. B. Pixton, "Watchmen on the Tower", ICMCL 6 ( 1985) 579-94; and in England the classic work of M. Gibbs and J. Lang, Bishops and Reform 1215-72 ( Oxford, 1934), retains its value. An early visitation record is available in an English translation by S. M. Brown, The Register of Eudes of Rouen ( New York, 1964), and is studied by P. Andrieu-Guitrancourt, L'archévêque Eudes Rigaud et la vie de l'église au XIIIe sicle ( Paris, 1938). For works on elections see ch. 9.iii. F. Pico discusses the social origins of bishops in "Non-aristocratic Bishops in the Reign of Louis IX", Medieval Prosopography 2 ( 1981) 41-54.

The evolution of episcopal records is examined by C. R. Cheney, "English Bishops" Chanceries 1100-1250 ( Manchester, 1950), and R. Brentano, "The Bishops Books of Città di Castello", Traditio 16 ( 1960) 241-54 (which, while it is mainly after 1250, throws light on earlier developments). The earliest surviving episcopal registers are examined by D. Smith, "The Rolls of Hugh of Wells", Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 45 ( 1972) 155-95, and A. D. Frankforter, "The Origin of Episcopal Registration Procedures in Medieval England", Manuscripta 26 ( 1982) 67-89. C. Morris, "From Synod to Consistory", JEH 22 ( 1971) 115-23, looks at the changing pattern of tribunals. P. Fournier, Les officialités au Moyen Âge ( Paris, 1880), has never been superseded, but there are many studies of individual dioceses and for France there is E. Fournier, Les origines du vicaire général ( Paris, 1922), and L'origine du vicaire général ( Paris, 1940). On bishops' chaplains see S. Haider, "Das bischæfliche Kapellanat", vol. 1 MIOG Ergänzungsband 25 ( 1977). There is a general introduction to synodical statutes by O. Pontal, Les statuts synodaux (Turnhoult, 1975). The English statutes have been splendidly edited in C&S. For France there is O. Pontal, Les statuts synodaux français du XIIIe siècle, 2 vols. ( Paris, 1971-5), and J. Avril, "Naissance et évolution des législations synodales" , ZSSRGkA 103 ( 1986) 152-249. The process of adapting and publishing such statutes is examined by C. R. Cheney , English Synodalia of the Thirteenth Century ( Oxford, 1941); R. Foreville , "La réception des conciles généraux dans l'élise. . . de Rouen au Xllle siècle', Droit privé et institutions régionales: éudes historiques à J. Yver" ( Paris, 1976), 243-53; and E. Diebold, "L'application en France du canon 51 du IVe Concile de Latran" , L'année canonique 2 ( 1951) 187-95.

ii. Parishes.
(See also ch. 12.iii).
There is an excellent survey of the development of the parochial ministry in France by G. Devailly, "l'encadrement paroissial: rigueur et insuffisance", CF 11 ( 1976) 387-417, and valuable information is to be found in O. Dobiache-Rojdestvensky, La vie paroissiale en France au XIIIe siècle ( Paris, 1911). The case for believing in the relative prosperity of parochial endowments is forcefully stated by B. Tierney, Medieval Poor Law, ( Berkeley, 1959). The significance of incorporation or appropriation is considered in more detail in D. Lindner, Die Lehre von der Inkorporation in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwicklung ( Munich, 1951). The classic study of the growth of vicarages remains R. A. R. Hartridge, A History of Vicarages in the Middle Ages ( Cambridge, 1930). D. Kurze, Pfarrerwahlen imMittelalter Mittelalter (Cologne, 1966), and E. Mason, "The Role of the English parishioner 1100-1500", JEH 27 ( 1976) 17-29, provide material on the increasing activity of lay parishioners.

iii. Monasteries and cathedrals.
(See ch. 3 and 10 above).
On the thirteenthcentury monasteries there are several older studies which retain their value. These include P. Schmitz, Histoire de l'ordre de S. Benoît iii (Maredsous, 1948), and a series of articles by U. Berlière: "Innocent III et la réorganisation des monastères bénédictins" , Revue Bénéictine 32 ( 1920) 22-42 and 145-59; "Honorius III et les monastères bénédictins" , Revue Beige de Philologie et d'Histoire 2 ( 1923) 237-65 and 461-84; and "Le nombre des moines dans les anciens monastères" , Revue Bénéictine 41 ( 1929) 231-61 and 42 ( 1930) 19-42. There is useful material in R. H. Snape, English Monastic Finances in the later Middle Ages ( Cambridge, 1926). The acts of the chapters general in England are much the best source of information for the operation of this system, and are edited by W. A. Pantin, Chapter of the English Black Monks, Camden Series, iii.45, 47, 54 ( 1931-7).

The place to begin for cathedrals and collegiate churches is K. Edwards, The English Secular Cathedrals in the Middle Ages ( Manchester, 1949), and there is an interesting comparative article by J. Barrow, "Cathedrals, Provosts and Prebends: a Comparison of Twelfth-century German and English Practice", JEH 37 ( 1986) 536-64. Much recent work has taken the form of the study of individual communities, and among these a book by L. G. Duggan is particularly to be recommended, Bishop and Chapter: the Governance of the Bishopric of Speyer to 1552 ( New Brunswick, 1978). The peculiar developments at Cologne are described by M. Groten, Priorenkolleg und Domkapitel von Köln im hohen Mittelalter ( Bonn, 1980). Also of importance are J. Oswald , Das alte Passauer Domkapitel ( Munich, 1933), and an article on Bamberg by K. Guth in Jb für fränkische Landesforschung 33 ( 1973) 13-37. On France, among other studies, there is L. Amiet, Essai sur l'organisation du chapitre cathédral de Chartres ( Chartres, 1922); M. Legrand, Le chapitre cathédral de Langres ( Paris, 1931); and L. Walter, "Le chapitre cathédral de Clermont" , RHEF 41 ( 1955) 5-42. The early type of chantry foundation mentioned in the text is studied by A. H. Thompson, "The Chapel of S. Mary and the Holy Angels", Yorkshire Archaeological Journal 36 ( 1947) 63-77. There is insufficient information to identify the origins and careers of many canons, but some careful prosopographical studies and lists have been provided by W. M. Newman, Le personnel de la cathédrale d'Amiens 10661306 ( Paris, 1972), and by F. Pico for "Laon" in Catholic Historical Review 61 ( 1975) 1-3o and RHE 71 ( 1976) 78-91. See also the English series, John le Neve: Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae 1066-1300, 3 vols. ( London, 1968-71).

Early instances of provisions are assembled in H. Baier, Päpstliche Provisionen für niedere Pfriinden bis zum Jahre 1304 (Mänster, 1911), and the basis of the system is given searching analysis by G. Barraclough, Papal Provisions ( Oxford, 1935). See also G. Mollat, Les grâces expectatives du XIIe au XIVe siècle, RHE 42 ( 1947) 81-102. J. E. Lynch, Some Landmarks in the Development of papal Reservations, The Jurist 30 ( 1970) 145-81, covers the development of papal jurisdiction widely up to 1400. There is a classic study by A. H. Thompson, Pluralism in the Medieval Church, Assoc. Arch. Soc. Reports ? Papers, 33 ( 1915-6) 35-73 and 34 ( 1917-8) 1-26, and a good article by K. Pennington, The Canonists and Pluralism in the Thirteenth Century, Speculum 51 ( 1976) 35-48. There are not enough studies of the impact of provisions on local churches, for which indeed the evidence itself is usually insufficient, but see C. McCurry, Utilia Metensia: Local Benefices for the Papal Curia 1212-c. 1370, Law, Church and Society: Essays in Honor of Stephan Kuttner ( Pennsylvania, 1977) 311-23. Robert Grosseteste of Lincoln is the hero of the anti-provision lobby: accounts of his work have already been mentioned in ch. 20.ii. The materials relating to his protest in 1250 are edited by S. Gieben, Robert Grosseteste at the Papal Curia, Collectanea Franciscana 41 ( 1971) 340-93, and an important document in the campaign is assessed by F. A. C. Mantello, Letter CXXXI ascribed to Robert Grosseteste, Franciscan Studies 39 ( 1979) 165-79. See also H. Mackenzie ,The Anti-foreign Movement in England 1231-2, Haskins Memorial Essays ( New York, 1929), 182-203.

Chapter.22. The Roman Church and the Lay Power in the Thirteenth Century
i. Papacy, kingdoms and city states.
There are good introductions to the development of the state by E. H. Kantorowicz, The King's Two Bodies ( Princeton, 1957), and J. R. Strayer, On the Medieval Origins of the Modern State ( Princeton, 1970). There are also collections of articles by Strayer, Medieval Statecraft and the Perspectives of History ( Princeton, 1971), and G. Post , Studies in Medieval Legal Thought ( Princeton, 1964). The canonistic basis is studied in S. Mochi Onory, Fonti canonistiche dell'idea moderna dello stato ( Milan, 1951). There are also interesting ideas in B. Tierney, Religion, Law and the Growth of Constitutional Thought 1150- 1650 ( Cambridge, 1982). For the way in which thirteenth-century changes anticipated later development, see G.de Lagarde, La naissance de l'esprit laïque au déclin du Moyen Âge, vol. 1, 3rd edn. ( Paris, 1956). The dramatic character of the change in the international situation is indicated in an article by Y. Renouard, '1212-16: comment les traits durables de l' Europe moderne se sont définis'. Études d'histoire médiévale ( Paris, 1968), i. 77-91. The emergence of national cultures is discussed by L. Schmugge, 'Über "nationale" Vorurteile im Mittelalter', DAEM 38 ( 1982) 439-59. The development of representation has been the centre of much scholarly attention, for example by Y. Congar, 'Quod omnes tangit ab omnibus tractari et approbari debet' in his Droit ancien et structures ecclésiales ( London, 1982) no. 3; L. Moulin°, Sanior et maior pars. RHDFE 36 ( 1958) 368-97 and 491-529; and D. B. Weske, Convocation of the Clergy Clergy ( London, 1937).

For the proposal of Honorius III at Bourges in 1225 we depend on a report which circulated in England, and which has been reconstructed by R. Kay, "An Eye-witness Account of the 1225 Council of Bourges", S. Grat. 12 ( 1968) 61-80.

The development of the modern state in France (the prime example of the process in the thirteenth century) has naturally been the subject of many studies, among them J. W. Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus ( London, 1986); B. Guenée, État et nation en France au Moyen Âge, Revue Historique 237 ( 1967) 17-30; C. T. Wood, Regnum Francie, Traditio 23 ( 1967) 117-47; G. M. Spiegel, Defence of the realm: Evolution of a Capetian Propaganda Slogan, JMH 3 ( 1977) 115-33; R. E. Lerner, The Uses of Heterodoxy: the French Monarchy and Unbelief in the Thirteenth Century, French Historical Studies 4 ( 1965) 189-202; and C. T. Wood, The Mise of Amiens and S. Louis's theory of kingship, ibid. 6 ( 1969-70) 300 -10. The classic study of Louis's relations with the papacy is E. Berger, S. Louis et Innocent IV ( Paris, 1893), which is full of valuable information. There are also articles by G. J. Campbell, The protest of S. Louis, Traditio 15 ( 1959) 405-18; The Attitude of the Monarchy Towards the use of Ecclesiastical Censures in the Reign of S. Louis, Speculum 35 ( 1960) 535-55; and Temporal and Spiritual Regalia, Traditio 20 ( 1964) 351-83. On other aspects of Louis's dealing with the Church, see R. Branner, S. Louis and the Court Style in Gothic Architecture ( London, 1965); O. Pontal, Le différend entre Louis IX et les évêques de Beauvais, Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes 123 ( 1965) 5-34; and E. B. Ham, Ruteboeuf and Louis IX ( Chapel Hill, 1962). The affairs of the English church are discussed in two major books by F. M. Powicke , King Henry III and the Lord Edward, 2 vols. ( Oxford, 1947), and The Thirteenth Century ( Oxford, 1953). Aspects of church-state relations are considered by W. R. Jones, Bishops, Politics, and the Two Laws: the Gravamina of the English Clergy 1237-1399, Speculum 41 ( 1966) 209-45; D. M. Williamson, Some Aspects of the Legation of Cardinal Otto in England 1237-41, EHR 64 ( 1949) 145-73; F. Pegues, The clericus in the Legal Administration of Thirteenth-century England, EHR 71 ( 1956) 52959; and J. W. Gray, The Church and Magna Carta in the Century after Runnymede, General European Historical Studies 6 ( Dublin, 1968), 23-38.

ii. Frederick II.
The historiography in the modern period begins with E. H. Kantorowicz , Kaiser Friedrich II ( Berlin, 1927) (Ergänzungsband Berlin, 1931; English tr. of vol. i, New York, 1957). This was a vivid and imaginative work: if not a historical novel, at least a historical drama. The development of the subject during the next forty years may be followed in the essays edited by G. Wolf, Stupor Mundi: zur Geschichte Friedrichs II von Hohenstaufen, Wege der Forschung 101 ( 1966), and is reviewed by D. Abulafia , Kantorowicz and Frederick II, History 62 ( 1977) 193-210. The main modern study in English is F. C. Van Cleve, The Emperor Frederick IIof Hohenstaufen of Hohenstaufen ( London, 1973), and there are penetrating comments by K. Leyser , The Emperor Frederick II in his Medieval Germany and its Neighbours ( London, 1982) 269-76. See alsothe discussions in Probleme um Friedrich II, VuF 16 ( 1974) and in Atti del convegno internazionale di studi federiciani ( Palermo, 1952). The extent of the influence of Greek ideas is considered in a monograph by M. B. Wellas, Griechisches aus dem Umkreis Kaiser Friedrichs II ( Munich, 1983).

R. Manselli reassessed Frederick's relations with Honorius III in "Onorio III e Federico II (revisione d'un gludizio)", Studi Romani II ( 1963) 142-59. The basic evaluation of his polemic with the papal curia was by F. Graefe, Die Publizistik in der letzten Epoche Kaiser Friedrichs II ( Heidelberg, 1909). There have been numerous discussions of particular aspects, including H. M. Schaller, Das letzte Rundschreiben Gregors IX gegen Friedrich II, Festschrifit P. E. Schramm ( Wiesbaden, 1964), i.309-21, and Die Antwort Gregors IX auf . . . Collegerunt pontifices, DAEM 11 ( 1954-5) 140-65; W. Seegrün , Kirche, Papst und Kaiser nach den Anschauungen Kaiser Friedrichs II, HZ 207 ( 1968) 4-41; P. Herde, Eger cui lenia, DAEM 23 ( 1967) 468-538; and H.-E. Hilpert, Kaiser-und Papstbriefe in den Chronica majora des Matthaeus Paris ( Stuttgart, 1980). Frederick's orthodoxy was powerfully defended by A. de Stefano, Federico II e le correnti spirituali del suo tempo, 2nd edn. ( Parma, n.d.), and J. M. Powell, Frederick II and the church: a revisionist view, Catholic Historic Review 48 ( 1963) 487-97. On Frederick's kingship in Sicily, there is H. J. Pybus, The Emperor Frederick II and the Sicilian Church, Cambridge Historical Journal 3 ( 1930) 134-63; J. M. Powell, Frederick II and the Church in the Kingdom of Sicily, Church History 30 ( 1961) 28-34; and A. Marongiu, A Model State in the Middle Ages, Comparative Studies in Society in Society and History 6 ( 1964) 307-24. His legislation has been edited by T. van der Lieck-Buycken, Die Konstitutionen Friedrichs II von Hohenstaufen für sein Königreich Sizilien ( Vienna, 1973-83); see also J. M. Powell (tr.), The Liber Augustalis or Constitutions of Melfi ( New York, 1971), and (on the prologue) W. Stürner, Rerum necessitas und divina provisio, DAEM 39 ( 1983) 467-554. On the council of Lyon 1245 see H. Wolter and H. Holstein, Lyon I and Lyon II, Histoire des conciles cecuméniques 7 ( Paris, 1966), with references to earlier work.

iii. The papal monarchy in the thirteenth century.
The debate over the canonists' conception of papal monarchy took a new departure with the publication of W. Ullmann, Medieval Papalism ( London, 1949). It is a controversial book, treating the canonists as if they had essentially one opinion, and that wholly in favour of papal absolutism. Its thesis has been widely criticized, for instance by A. M. Stickler, Concerning the Political Theories of the Medieval Canonists, Traditio 7 ( 1949-51) 450-63; B. Tierney, Some Recent Works on the Political Theories of the Medieval Canonists, Traditio 10 ( 1954) 594-625; and J. Muldoon, Extra ecclesiam non est imperium, S. Grat. 9 ( 1966) 551-80. (On this controversy, see also under: Papacy in the General section at the beginning of this bibliography). Several major contributions to thirteenth-century papal theory have already been mentioned under Innocent III (ch. 17-iii); to these should be added B. Tierney, The Foundations of the Conciliar Theory ( Cambridge, 1955), and L. Buisson, Potestas und Caritas: die päpstliche Gewalt im Spätmittelalter, (Cologne, repr. 1982). On the special problems of the pontificate of Innocent IV there is M. Pacaut , L'autorité pontificale selon Innocent IV, MA 66 ( 1960) 85-119.

On the cardinals, in addition to ch. 9.ii, there are A. Paravicini Bagliani, "Cardinali di curia e familiae dal 1227 al 1254" ( Padua, 1972) (on which see P. Linehan in EHR 89 ( 1974) 620-2) and H. Singer, 'Quia frequenter, ZSSRGkA 6 ( 1916) 1-140. C. R. Cheney has written a useful introduction to The Study of the Medieval Papal Chancery ( Glasgow, 1966), and there is a fine monograph by P. Herde, Beiträge zum päpstlichen Kanzlei-und Urkundenwesen im 13 Jh. ( Munich, 1961). The writers' college is discussed in B. Schwarz, Die Organisation kurialcr Schreiberkollegien ( Tubingen, 1972), and on two technical points there are R. von Heckel, 'Studien über die Kanzleiordnung Innozenz' III, HJb 57 ( 1937) 258-89, and B. Schwarz, Der corrector litterarum apostolicarum, QFIAB 54 ( 1974) 122-91. On proctors see R. von Heckel, Das Aufkommen der ständigen Prokuratoren an der pdpstlichen Kurie im 13 Jh., Studi e Testi 38 ( 1924) 290-321, and W. Stelzer, Belträge zur Geschichte der Kurienprokuratoren im 13 Jh., AHP 8 ( 1970) 113-38. One of the most important internal developments is analysed by P. Herde, Audientia Litterarum Contradictarum ( Tübingen, 1970); G. Barraclough in Dic. DC 1 ( 1935) 1387-99; and J. E. Sayers, Canterbury Proctors at the Court of Audientia litterarum contradictarum, Traditio 22 ( 1966)311-45.

There are several books covering the system of legates over a long period. Particularly important is K. Walf, Die Entwicklung des päpstlichen Gesandtschaftswesen 1159-1815 ( Munich, 1966). More recently P. Blet has provided a useful survey in his Histoire de la représentation du Saint Siège ( Vatican, 1982). On the legal aspects see R. A. Schmutz, Medieval papal representatives: legates, nuncios and judges-delegate, S. Grat. 15 ( 1972) 441-63; C. I. Kyer, Legatus and nuntius as Used to Denote Papal Envoys 12451378, MS 40 ( 1978) 473-7; R. C. Figueira, The Classification of Medieval Papal Legates, AHP 21 ( 1983) 211-28; and K. Pennington, Johannes Teutonicus and Papal Legates, ibid. 183-94. For judges delegate, start with the works in ch. 9. ii, and see also J. E. Sayers' wider examination of papal activity, Papal Government and England during the Pontificate of Honorius III ( Cambridge, 1984). There is also an article by J. C. Moore, Papal Justice in France around the Time of Pope Innocent III, Church History 41 ( 1972) 295306. On canon law in the thirteenth century, see G. Fransen, Les décrétales etles collections de décrétales les collections de décrétales ( Turnhout, 1972); A. M. Stickler, "Ordines itidiciarii", Dic.DC 6 ( 1957) 1132-43; P.-J. Kessler, Untersuchungen über die Novellen-Gestetzgebung Papst Innozenz' IV, ZSSRGkA 62 ( 1942) 142-32o and K. Pennington, 'The Making of a Decretal Collection, ICMCL 5 ( 1976) 67-92.


INDEX

Acre 266, 285, 371, 483, 548
Ad abolendam ( 1184) 350, 472, 474
Adalbero, archbishop of Trier 185 -6
Adalbert, archbishop of Bremen 269 -70
Adalbert, archbishop of Mainz 161, 164, 185
Adam of Bremen 265, 269, 275
Adhemar, bishop of Le Puy 150 -1, 321, 382
Ad liberandam ( 1215) 441, 448, 478
Adolf, archbishop of Cologne 423 -4 Adso of Montier-en-Der 383
Adversus Simoniacos see Humbert of Moyenmoutier advocate see monasteries
advowson 400, 557
Ælfric 31, 305
Ælred, abbot of Rievaulx 259, 359, 369 -70, 373, 376, 467,469
Æthelwig, abbot of Evesham 321 -2
Afflighem, monastery 239, 541 Agnes, empress 83, 85, 89 -90, 96
Agnes of Prague 467
Aix, Rule of 13, 27, 74 -7, 92, 247
Alan of Lille 353 -5, 362, 513, 516 Regulae Theologicae 366
Liber Penitentialis 491
Summa de Arte Predicandi 495
and Waldensians 348

Alberic, second abbot of Cîteaux 240 -1
Albert of Brabant, bishop-elect of Liège 202 -3
Albert of Buxtehude, bishop of Riga 482 -3
Albertus Magnus 511, 518

Albigensian Crusade 231, 292, 346, 396, 441, 445 -6, 449, 469 -70, 473, 476, 484, 507
Alcobaça, abbey 245
Alexander II, pope 25, 75 -6, 94 -7, 102, 104 -69, 111, 114 -15, 132, 140, 142, 145, 147, 331
as Anselm I, bishop of Lucca 395

Alexander III, pope 202, 219, 224, 229, 232, 235, 348 -9, 450, 484, 528
decretals 180, 218, 329, 402 -3, 575
as cardinal Roland, papal chancellor 190 -1, 193 -4
election of 193 -9
exactions 216
and marriage 331 -2
and usury 333 -4
tithes 390 -2
episcopal elections 546 -7

Alexander IV, pope 548 Alexander the Great 336, 487, 502 Alexander of Hales 459, 513, 516, 525 Alexander Stavensby, bishop of Coventry and Lichfield 529 -30
Alexander of Villedieu286, 508
Alexis, St 55, 73
Alexius I, Byzantine emperor 124, 148 51
Alexius III, Byzantine emperor 439 -40
Alexius IV, Byzantine emperor 439 -40
Alfonso VI, king of Castile 65, 135
Alger of Liège 401
al-Kamil 480, 486
almoner 321, 326
Altmann, bishop of Passau III, 123
Altopascio, hospital 313
Alvastra, abbey 270
Amalarius of Metz 13, 300
Amalric I, king of Jerusalem 279
Amatus, bishop of Oléron 111
Amaury of Bène 515, 521, 555
Ambrose, St 316, 363, 370
Anacletus II, pope 183 -4, 484
Anagni, agreement ( 1176) 196 -7
Anastasius II, pope 182, 209
Anastasius IV, pope 190
Andrew II, king of Hungary 442, 467, 552
Andrew of St Victor 354, 360
Anno, archbishop of Cologne 67, 94, 96
Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury 178,


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