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A HISTORY OF MEDIEVAL POLITICAL THOUGHT (300-1450)


NOTES.

1 THE ORIGINS OF MEDIEVAL POLITICAL IDEAS, c. 300-c. 750

1 This was known as the Corpus iuris civilis from the sixteenth century, but in the Middle Ages as the Corpus iuris.

2 John 18:36.

3 Matthew 22:21.

4 1 Peter 2:17.

5 Romans 13:1-2.

6 The Donatists were a heretical sect which regarded the church as apostate through having compromised with secular authority.

7 Constantine’s description of himself is ambiguous. Ton ektos could either be neuter case (‘of exterior matters’) and thus be understood to refer to his jurisdiction over the externals of Christianity; or the phrase could be masculine (‘of people who are exterior’, i.e. pagans). I have accepted the arguments of D.de Decker and G. Dupuis-Masay, ‘L’ “épiscopat” et 1’empereur Constantin’, Byzantion, L (1980), pp. 118-57. For the scholarly dispute over the interpretation of ton ektos see especially F. Dvornik, Early Christian and Byzantine Political Philosophy: Origins and Background, Dumbarton Oaks Studies 9, 2 vols (Washington, DC: The Dumbarton Oaks Center for Byzantine Studies, 1966), II, pp. 752-4, who adopts the contrary view.

8 See H.J. Scheltema, ‘Byzantine Law’, in The Cambridge Medieval History, IV: The Byzantine Empire, eds J.M. Hussey, D.M. Nicol and G. Cowan (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967), II, p. 62. G. Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine State, trans. J. Hussey (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1956), p. 134, favours 726.

9 ‘Deo auctore nostrum gubernantes imperium, quod nobis a caelesti maiestate traditum est.’

10 ‘Nutu divino imperiales suscepimus infulas’ (C.7.37.3).

11 See for instance C. Const. ‘De emendatione codicis’; C.1.14.9.

12 D. Const., ‘Omnem’, 11; D. Const., ‘Tanta’, 23.

13 D.14.2.9: ‘tou kosmou kurios’ in the original Greek.

14 D.1.4.1; Inst. 1.2, 6. This passage from Ulpian (d. 223) probably originally meant that the emperor’s interpretation must prevail where there was doubt about the law. Here the passage is interpreted in the context of the Corpus iuris.

15 ‘Omnibus enim a nobis dictis imperatoris excipiatur fortuna, cui et ipsas deus leges subiecit, legem animatam eum mittens hominibus’ (Auth. Coll. 4.3, 2, 4=Nov. 105, 2, 4). See A. Steinwenter, ‘Nóµo? ?µ???o?: zur Geschichte einer politischen Theorie’, Anzeiger der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, phil.-hist. Kl., CXXXIII (1946), 250-68.

16 D.1.3.31 (Ulpian).

17 See K. Pennington, The Prince and the Law, 1200-1600 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), pp. 77-90.

18 See W. Ullmann, Law and Politics in the Middle Ages: An Introduction to the Sources of Medieval Political Ideas (London: The Sources of History, 1975), p. 56; and F. Lucrezi, Leges super principem: la ‘monarchia costituzionale’ di Vespasiano (Naples: Jovene, 1982), p. 178.

19 The classic treatment of this view is in T. Mommsen, Römisches Staatsrecht, 3rd edn (Leipzig: S. Hirzel, 1887), II, 2, pp. 876-9; but see Lucrezi, Leges super principem, pp. 179-84 for a rejection of this argument.

20 ‘Lege antiqua, quae regia nuncupabatur, omne ius omnisque potestas populi Romani in inperatoriam translata sunt potestatem’ (D. Const., ‘Deo auctore’, 7 and C.1.17.1, 7).

21 ‘Vtpote cum lege regia, quae de imperio eius lata est, populus ei et in eum omne suum imperium et potestatem conferat’ (D.1.4.1; see also Inst. 1.2, 6).

22 Römisches Staatsrecht, II, 2, p. 876, n. 2.

23 ‘Quid interest suffragio populus voluntatem suam declaret an rebus ipsis et factis? quare rectissime etiam illud receptum est, ut leges non solum suffragio legis latoris, sed etiam tacito consensu omnium per desuetudinem abrogentur’ (D.1.3.32). See also Inst. 1.2, 11: ‘Ea vero [iura], quae ipsa sibi quaeque civitas constituit, saepe mutari solent vel tacito consensu populi vel alia postea lege lata.’

24 C.8.52.2.

25 C.1.14.12.

26 C.5.59.5, 2.

27 See for instance G. Post, ‘A Romano-canonical maxim, “Quod omnes tangit”, in Bracton’, Traditio IV (1946), pp. 197-251.

28 C.1.14.4 (l. Digna vox). See also C.6.23.3.

29 D.1.1.1, 3-4.

30 D.1.1.9.

31 ‘Naturalia quidem iura, quae apud omnes gentes peraeque servan-tur, divina quadam providentia constituta semper firma atque immutabilia permanent.’

32 Inst.1.2, 2. See also Inst. 1.3, 2 and D.1.1.4 (Ulpian).

33 ‘Ius civile est, quod neque in totum a naturali vel gentium recedit nec per omnia ei servit’ (D.1.1.6). Ulpian may be identifying the ius naturale with the ius gentium here.

34 ‘Maxima quidem in hominibus sunt dona dei a superna collata dementia sacerdotium et imperium, illud quidem divinis ministrans, hoc autem humanis praesidens ac diligentiam exhibens; ex uno eodemque principle utraque procedentia humanam exornant vitam.’

35 ‘Ideoque nihil sic erit studiosum imperatoribus, sicut sacerdotum honestas, cum utique et pro illis ipsis semper deo supplicent. Nam si hoc quidem inculpabile sit undique et apud deum fiducia plenum, imperium autem recte et competenter exornet traditam sibi rempublicam, erit consonantia quaedam bona, omne quicquid utile est humano conferens generi. Nos igitur maximam habemus sollicitudinem circa vera dei dogmata et circa sacerdotum honestatem, quam illis obtinentibus credimus quia per eam maxima nobis dona dabuntur a deo, et ea, quae sunt, firma habebimus, et quae nondum hactenus venerunt, adquirimus.’

36 ‘Publicum ius est quod ad statum rei Romanae spectat…publicum ius in sacris, in sacerdotibus, in magistratibus consistit’ (D.1.1.1, 2).

37 ‘Cum nec multo differant ab alterutro sacerdotium et imperium, et sacrae res a communibus et publicis, quando omnis sanctissimis ecclesiis abundantia et status ex imperialibus munifkentiis perpetuo praebetur’ (Auth. Coll. 2.1, 2, 1=Nov. 7, 2, 1).

38 Auth. Coll. 9.6, 1=Nov. 131, 1; see also Auth. Coll. 1.6, 1, 8=Nov. 6, 1, 8.

39 Nov. 42.

40 See, for instance, W. Ullmann, A History of Political Thought: The Middle Ages (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1965), pp. 35-6.

41 See E. Herman, ‘The secular church’, in Cambridge Medieval History, IV, 2 (1967), pp. 105-6; H. Grégoire, ‘The Amorians and Macedonians 842-1025’, Cambridge Medieval History, IV, 1 (1966), pp. 133-4; and D.M. Nicol, ‘Byzantine political thought’, in J.H. Burns (ed.), The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought c. 350-c. 1450 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 67-8.

42 As Marcian, for instance, had been at the Council of Chalcedon.

43 This is not to suggest that a formal, legal distinction between potestas ordinis and potestas jurisdictionis was made at this time. See S. Chodorow, Christian Political Theory and Church Politics in the Mid-Twelfth Century: The Ecclesiology of Gratian’s Decretum (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), p. 155, for the scholarly debate whether this distinction is found in the work of the twelfth-century canonist, Gratian, or appears later.

44 Auth. Coll. 9.6,2=Nov. 131,2.

45 Herman, ‘The secular church’, p. 109.

46 The Vulgate contains about 520 references to regnum without pejorative overtones—about 70 to regnum dei and 30 to regnum caelorum. See W. Suerbaum, Vom antiken zum frühmittelalterlichen Staatsbegriff: über Verwendung und Bedeutung von Res publica, regnum, imperium und status von Cicero bis Jordanis, Orbis antiquus, 16/17 (Münster: Aschendorff, 1977), pp. 288-9.

47 O.von Gierke, Das deutsche Genossenschaftsrecht, III (Berlin: Weidmann, 1881); F. Kern, Kingship and Law in the Middle Ages, trans. S.B. Chrimes (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1939), pp. 12-13, 85-97; and Ullmann, History of Political Thought, pp. 12-13.

48 Germania, 7: ‘Reges ex nobilitate, duces ex virtute sumunt.’

49 For the argument that the thesis of Germanic kingship is a myth see P.D. King, ‘The barbarian kingdoms’, in J.H. Burns (ed.), The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought c. 350-c. 1450 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 147-53.

50 Historia Francorum, 2.38, p. 102.

51 See, for instance, W. Ullmann, Principles of Government and Politics in the Middle Ages (London: Methuen, 1961), p. 118. For Svinthila see Isidore of Seville, Historia Gothorum, Wandalorum, Sueborum, ch. 62, p. 292.

52 Victor of Vita, Historia persecutions africanae provinciae sub Geiserico et Hunirico regibus Wandalorum, 2.39, p. 22, and 3.14, p. 43.

53 ‘Gratia autem dei sum id quod sum.’

54 ‘Non potest homo accipere quidquam, nisi fuerit ei datum de caelo.’

55 ‘Non haberes potestatem adversum me ullam, nisi tibi datum esset desuper.’

56 ‘Ipsi regnaverunt, et non ex me; principes extiterunt, et non cognovi.’

57 For Ullmann’s thesis of theocratic monarchy see, especially, Principles of Government, pp. 117-37.

58 ‘Dei enim minister est tibi, in bonum…Dei enim minister est… Ministri enim Dei sunt’ (Romans 13:4-6).

59 See, for instance, Moralia, 26.26.45, p. 1300.

60 See Gregory I, Regula pastoralis, 2.6.

61 See M. Reydellet, La royauté dans la littérature latine de Sidonie Apollinaire à Isidore de Seville (Ecole française de Rome, 1981), pp. 554-606.

62 Etymologiae, 9.3.4, col. 342: ‘Rex eris si recte facies, si non facias, non eris.’ See also Horace, Epistulae, 1.1.59-60.

63 See Sententiae, 3.48-51, cols 718-24; Differentiae, 2.156 and 158, col. 95.

64 ‘Obedite praepositis vestris et subiacete eis; ipsi enim pervigilant, quasi rationem pro animabus vestris reddituri.’

65 Cicero, De officiis, 1.25.

66 Sententiae, 3.49.3, col. 721.

67 In 528: see W. Ullmann, The Individual and Society in the Middle Ages (London: Methuen, 1967), p. 21, n. 41.

68 Formulae, 1.24, p. 58.

69 See W. Ullmann, The Carolingian Renaissance and the Idea of Kingship (London: Methuen, 1969), pp. 177-87; Ullmann, ‘A note on inalienability in Gregory VII’, Studi Gregoriani IX (1972), pp. 117-40; and Ullmann, ‘Juristic obstacles to the emergence of the concept of the state in the Middle Ages’, Annali di storia del diritto XII-XIII (1968-9), pp. 49-51.

70 See J.L. Nelson, ‘National synods, kingship as office, and royal anointing: an early medieval syndrome’, in her collected essays: Politics and Ritual in Early Medieval Europe (London: Hambledon Press), p. 264.

71 See J.L. Nelson, ‘On the limits of the Carolingian Renaissance’, in Politics and Ritual, pp. 58-9, and King, ‘The barbarian kingdoms’, p. 139.

72 See P.D. King, Law and Society in the Visigothic Kingdom, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, third series, 5 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), pp. 16-18; and King, ‘The alleged territoriality of Visigothic Law’, in B. Tierney and P. Linehan (eds), Authority and Power. Studies on Medieval Law and Government Presented to Walter Ullmann on his Seventieth Birthday (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), pp. 1-11.

73 See P. Wormald, ‘Lex scripta and Verbum regis: legislation and Germanic kingship from Euric to Cnut’, in P.H. Sawyer and I.N. Wood (eds), Early Medieval Kingship (Leeds: School of History, University of Leeds, 1977), pp. 108-9.

74 See Wormald, ‘Lex scripta’, p. 107; Ullmann, Law and Politics, pp. 196-7.

75 Augustine, De vera religione, 31, col. 148 (also quoted in Decr. Grat., Dist.4.c.3): ‘In istis temporalibus legibus, quanquam de his homines iudicent cum eas instituunt tamen cum fuerint institutae atque firmatae, non licebit iudici de ipsis iudicare, sed secundum ipsas’; Isidore, Sententiae, 3.51.1-2, col. 723.

76 See Kingship and Law, passim and especially pp. 149-65. This thesis is still used by A. Wolf in ‘Die Gesetzgebung der entstehenden Territorialstaaten’, in H. Coing (ed.), Handbuch der Quellen und Literatur der neueren europäischen Privatrechtsgeschichte, I: Mittelalter (1100-1500) (Munich: C.H. Beck, 1973), p. 534; and by R.van Caenegem, ‘Government, law and society’, in J.H. Burns (ed.), The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought c. 350-c. 1450 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 182.

77 See Ullmann, Principles of Government, pp. 20-1; and Law and Politics, pp. 30-1 and 193.

78 See Politics and Ritual, p. 62.

79 See Ullmann, Law and Politics, p. 30, n. 1; and K. Kroeschell, ‘“Rechtsfindung”. Die mittelalterlichen Grundlagen einer modernen Vorstellung’, in Festschrift für Hermann Heimpel III (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1972), p. 516.

80 See Nelson, ‘Limits of Carolingian Renaissance’, p. 62; and Kroeschell, ‘Rechtsfindung’, p. 512.

81 See Wormald, ‘Lex scripta’, p. 111.

82 Ammianus Marcellinus, Res gestae, 28.5.14 (see below, p. 28). See K. Bund, Thronsturz und Herrscherabsetzung im Frühmittelalter, Bonner Historische Forschungen 4 (Bonn: Ludwig Röhrscheid Verlag, 1979), pp. 132-8, 143 and 787ff.

83 See King, Law and Society, pp. 122-58; and King, ‘The barbarian kingdoms’, p. 144.

84 ‘Principes seculi nonnumquam intra ecclesiam potestatis adeptae culmina tenent, ut per eamdem potestatem disciplinam ecclesiasticam muniant. Caeterum, intra ecclesiam potestates necessariae non essent, nisi ut, quod non prevalet sacerdos efficere per doctrinae sermonem, potestas hoc imperet per disciplinae terrorem’ (Sententiae, 3.51.4, col. 723); see also ibid., 3.47.1, col. 717.

85 See H.-J. Diesner, Isidor von Sevilla und seine Zeit (Stuttgart: Calwer, 1973), p. 58.

86 See n. 43 above.

87 Sententiae, 3.51.6, col. 723-4.

88 Historia Francorum, 9.21, p. 379 (‘rex acsi bonus sacerdos’); see also Council of Orleans of 511 (MGH, Conc. 1, p. 2) for mention of the ‘sacerdotalis mentis’ of Clovis.

89 Carmina, 2.10.21-2: ‘Melchisedech noster merito rex atque sacerdos conplevit laicus religionis opus’, p. 40; see also Genesis 14:18.

90 See King, ‘The barbarian kingdoms’, p. 144.

91 See Nelson, ‘National synods’, p. 250.

92 See Nelson, ‘National synods’, p. 249; and R. Collins, ‘Julian of Toledo and the royal succession in late seventh-century Spain’, in P.H. Sawyer and I.N. Wood (eds), Early Medieval Kingship (Leeds: School of History, University of Leeds, 1977), p. 44.

93 See King, Law and Society, pp. 48-9.

94 J.M. Wallace-Hadrill, Early Germanic Kingship in England and on the Continent (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), pp. 48-50.

95 W.A. Chaney, The Cult of Kingship in Anglo-Saxon England: The Transition from Paganism to Christianity (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1970), especially p. 64.

96 The classic treatment is O.Höfler, ‘Der sakralcharakter des germanischen Königtums’, in T. Mayer (ed.), Das Königtum. Seine geistigen und rechtlichen Grundlagen, Vorträge und Forschungen III (Constance: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1956), pp. 75-104.

97 See I.N. Wood, ‘Kings, kingdoms and consent’, in P.H. Sawyer and I.N. Wood (eds), Early Medieval Kingship (Leeds: School of History, University of Leeds, 1977), p. 27.

98 ‘Ritu veteri potestate deposita removetur, si sub eo fortuna titubaverit belli, vel segetum copiam negaverit terra’ (Res gestae, 28.5.14, p. 479). See King, ‘The barbarian kingdoms’, pp. 151-2.

99 Romana et Getica, 78, p. 76: ‘Proceres suos, quorum quasi fortuna vincebant, non puros homines, sed semideos id est Ansis vocaverunt.’ See King, ‘The barbarian kingdoms’, p. 152.

100 See D.N. Dumville, ‘Kingship, genealogies and regnal lists’, in P.H. Sawyer and I.N. Wood (eds), Early Medieval Kingship (Leeds: School of History, University of Leeds, 1977), pp. 78-9 and 96.

101 King in ‘The barbarian kingdoms’, p. 152, argues that it was a ‘badge of legitimism’ throughout.

102 PL, 13, col. 1131-47.

103 ‘Tu es Petrus et super hanc petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam, et portae inferi non praevalebunt adversus eam. Et tibi dabo claves regni caelorum, et quodcumque ligaveris super terrain, erit ligatum et in caelis, et quodcumque solveris super terrain, erit solutum et in caelis.’

104 ‘Pasce agnos meos…Pasce oves meas.’

105 In Greek there is a play on words, Petros being the masculine form of petra (rock).

106 See W. Ullmann, ‘The significance of the Epistola Clementis in the Pseudo-Clementines’, Journal of Theological Studies, new series XI (1960), 295-317.

107 ‘Portamus onera omnium qui gravantur: quin immo haec portat in nobis beatus apostolus Petrus, qui nos in omnibus, ut confidimus, administrationis suae protegit et tuetur heredes’ (PL, 13, col. 1133).

108 See W. Ullmann, ‘Leo I and the theme of papal primacy’, Journal of Theological Studies, new series XI (1960), 25-51.

109 Sermo 3.4, col. 147: ‘Ille [i.e. beatus Petrus] honoretur…cuius dignitas etiam in indigno haerede non deficit.’

110 Sermo 3.4, col. 147: ‘ipsum [i.e. beatum Petrum] vobis, cuius vice fungimur, loqui credite.’

111 1 Corinthians 12:4; Ephesians 1:23; Romans 12:5.

112 See Principles of Government, p. 39, and Gelasius I. (492-496): Das Papsttum an der Wende der Spätantike zum Mittelalter, Päpste und Papsttum, 18 (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1981), pp. 70 and 75.

113 See PL, 54, col. 671 (letter to the papal vicar of Thessalonika): ‘Vices enim nostras ita tuae credidimus charitati, ut in partem sis vocatus sollicitudinis, non in plenitudinem potestatis.’ See K. Pennington, Pope and Bishops. The Papal Monarchy in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1984), p. 59; Ullmann, Gelasius, p. 70 n. 33; R.L. Benson, ‘Plenitude potestatis: evolution of a formula from Gregory IV to Gratian’, Collectanea Stephan Kuttner, Studia Gratiana XIV (1967), 195-217; J.A. Watt, The Theory of Papal Monarchy in the Thirteenth Century. The Contribution of the Canonists (London: Burns & Oates, 1965), p. 76.

114 For the history of this formula see S. Vacca, Prima sedes a nemine iudicatur: genesi e sviluppo storico dell’assioma fina al Decreto di Graziano, Miscellanea historiae pontificiae 61 (Rome: Editrice Pontificia Università Gregoriana, 1993).

115 See H.F. Dondaine, Le Corpus Dionysien de l’Université de Paris au XIIIe siècle (Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1953); S. Gersh, From Iamblichus to Eriugena. An Investigation of the Prehistory and Evolution of the Pseudo-Dionysian Tradition (Leiden: Brill, 1978).

116 See T. Struve, Die Entwicklung der organologischen Staatsauffassung im Mittelalter, Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 16 (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1978), pp. 67-71.

117 See Ullmann, History of Political Thought, pp. 49-52; and J. Richards, Consul of God: The Life and Times of Gregory the Great (London: Routledge, 1980), pp. 64-6.

118 See G.O’Collins, The Easter Jesus (London: Darton, Longman & Todd, 1973), p. 83.

119 Liber de incarnationis dominicae sacramento, 4, 32, col. 826: ‘Hic [i.e. Petrus], inquam, ubi audivit, “Vos autem quid me dicitis?” [Matthew 16:15], statim loci non immemor sui, primatum egit: primatum confessionis utique, non honoris; primatum fidei, non ordinis.’ See Ullmann, Gelasius, p. 20.

120 Epistola 5 (PL, 50, col. 437). See Ullmann, Principles of Government, p. 134.

121 ‘Duo quippe sunt, imperator auguste, quibus principaliter mundus hic regitur, auctoritas sacrata pontificum et regalis potestas’ (Epistola 12, c. 2, A. Thiel (ed.), Epistolae Romanorum pontificum genuinae et quae ad eos scriptae sunt a S. Hilaro usque ad Pelagium II., I (Braunsberg: Edward Peter, 1868), pp. 350-1).

122 Also rex is the direct translation of Basileus.

123 In Epistolae, ed. A. Thiel, pp. 567-8.

124 ‘Quod si dixeris, “Sed imperator catholicus est,” salva pace ipsius dixerimus, filius est, non praesul ecclesiae, quod ad religionem competit, discere ei convenit, non docere’ (ibid., Epistola 1, c. 10, pp. 292-3: letter of Gelasius while deacon of Pope Felix III).

125 ‘Nosti etenim, fili clementissime, quod licet praesideas humano generi dignitate, rerum tamen praesulibus divinarum devotus colla submittis, atque ab eis causas tuae salutis exspectas, inque sumendis coelestibus sacramentis eisque ut competit disponendis, subdi te debere cognoscis religionis ordine potius quam praeesse, itaque inter haec ex illorum te pendere judicio, non illos ad tuam velle redigi voluntatem’ (ibid., Epistola 12, c. 2, p. 351).

126 Ibid., Epistola 12, c. 2, pp. 351-2.

127 ‘Christus memor fragilitatis humanae, quod suorum saluti congrueret, dispensatione magnifica temperavit, sic actionibus propriis dignitatibusque distinctis officia potestatis utriusque discrevit…ut et Christiani imperatores pro aeterna vita pontificibus indigerent, et pontifices pro temporalium cursu rerum imperialibus disposition-ibus uterentur’ (ibid., Tractatus IV, c. 11, p. 568); see ibid., Epistola 12, c. 2, p. 351.

128 Ibid., Epistola 26, c. 11, pp. 407-8. See W. Ullmann, The Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages, 3rd edn, (London: Methuen, 1970), p. 27; and R.L. Benson, ‘The Gelasian doctrine: uses and transformations’, in G. Makdisi, D. Sourdel and J. Sourdel-Thomine (eds), La notion d’autorité au Moyen Age. Islam, Byzance, Occident (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1982), p. 18.

129 ‘In quibus tanto gravius est pondus sacerdotum, quanto etiam pro ipsis regibus hominum in divino reddituri sunt examine rationem’ (Epistola, 12, c. 2, ed. A. Thiel, p. 351).

130 Growth of Papal Government, pp. 20-8, and Gelasius, pp. 198-212.

131 See Benson, ‘Gelasian doctrine’, p. 15.

132 See Ullmann, Gelasius, p. 13.

133 See pp. 12-13.

134 ‘Sacerdotalem namque et apostolicum tuae pietatis animum’, PL, 54, col. 1131.

135 See Benson, ‘Gelasian doctrine’, p. 20.

136 See n. 117; also R.A. Markus, ‘Gregory the Great’s Europe,’ Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, XXXI (1981), pp. 21-36; and J. Herrin, The Formation of Christendom (Oxford: Blackwell, 1987), p. 182.

137 ‘Si quis vero regum, sacerdotum iudicum atque saecularium personarum, hanc constitutionis nostrae paginam agnoscens contra eam venire temptaverit, potestatis honorisque sui dignitate careat reumque se iudicio divino existere de perpetrata iniquitate cognoscat et, nisi vel ea quae ab illo sunt male ablata restituerit vel digna paenitentia inlicite acta defleverit, a sacratissimo corpore ac sanguine Dei domini redemptoris nostri Iesu Christi alienus fiat atque in aeterno examine districtae ultionis subiaceat’ (Registrum XIII, 12, p. 380).

138 After 684/5 this imperial approbation was in the hands of the Exarch of Ravenna.

139 The doctrine that Christ as God and man had one will.

140 See Herrin, formation, pp. 284-7. These decrees included denunciations of the Roman church for practices dissimilar to those of Constantinople in matters of fasting and clerical celibacy, and a renewal of canon 28 of the Council of Chalcedon asserting the equality of status of the two churches.

141 For the patristic doctrine of the relationship between the Fall and the establishment of government, and the influence of that thesis on the Middle Ages, the best modern study is W. Stürner, Peccatum und potestas. Der Sündenfall und die Entstehung der herrscherlichen Gewalt im mittelalterlichen Staatsdenken, Beiträge zur Geschichte und Quellenkunde des Mittelalters, ed. H. Fuhrmann (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbeke Verlag, 1987): see especially pp. 38-102 and 264-6.

142 See R.A. Markus, Saeculum: History and Society in the Theology of St Augustine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970); and Markus, ‘Two conceptions of political authority: Augustine, De civitate dei, XIX.14-15, and some thirteenth-century interpretations’, The Journal of Theological Studies, new series XVI (1965), pp. 68-100.

143 ‘Fecerunt itaque civitates duas amores duo, terrenam scilicet amor sui usque ad contemptum Dei, celestem vero amor Dei usque ad contemptum sui’ (De civitate dei, XIV.28).

144 ‘Coetus multitudinis iuris consensu et utilitatis communione sociatus’ (De republica, 1.25.39).

145 ‘Remota itaque iustitia quid sunt regna nisi magna latrocinia?’

146 ‘Populus est coetus multitudinis rationalis rerum quas diligit concordi communione sociatus.’

147 ‘Quantum enim pertinet ad hanc vitam mortalium, quae paucis diebus ducitur et finitur, quid interest sub cuius imperio vivat homo moriturus, si illi qui imperant ad impia et iniqua non cogant?’ (5.17).

148 ‘Vera autem iustitia non est nisi in ea re publica, cuius conditor rectorque Christus est…in ea certe civitate est vera iustitia, de qua scriptura sancta dicit, “Gloriosa dicta sunt de te, civitas Dei”.’

149 L’Augustinisme politique. Essai sur la formation des theories politiques du moyen-âge, L’Eglise et l’Etat au moyen-âge, 2, 2nd edn (Paris: J. Vrin, 1955), p. 19.

150 De civitate dei V.12, 15-17, 21, 24-6.

2 THE GROWTH OF SPECIFICALLY MEDIEVAL POLITICAL IDEAS, c. 750-c. 1050

1 Decrees divided into articles (capitula) and issued by the monarch aided by the advice of his advisers or an assembly. They were mostly administrative in nature. See F.L. Ganshof, ‘Wat waren de capitularia?’, Verhandelingen van de Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en schone Kunsten van Belgie, Kl.Letteren XXII

(Brussels, 1955, with French résumé). But see also P. Geary’s article on capitularies in J. Strayer (ed.), Dictionary of the Middle Ages (New York: Charles Scribners’ Sons, 1983), pp. 91-2.

2 See H.H. Anton, Fürstenspiegel und Herrscherethos in der Karolingerzeit, Bonner historische Forschungen 32 (Bonn: Ludwig Röhrscheid Verlag, 1968); and W. Berges, Die Fürstenspiegel des hohen und späten Mittelalters (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1938).

3 See J.L. Nelson, ‘On the limits of the Carolingian Renaissance’ in her collected essays, Politics and Ritual in Early Medieval Europe (London: Hambledon Press, 1986), pp. 49-67.

4 ‘Et Zacharias papa mandavit Pippino, ut melius esset illum regem vocari, qui potestatem haberet, quam illum, qui sine regali potestate manebat; ut non conturbaretur ordo per auctoritatem apostolicam iussit Pippinum regem fieri’ (Annales regni Francorum (for the year 749), p. 8).

5 ‘Praecelsus Pippinus electione totius Francorum in sedem regni cum consecratione episcoporum et subiectione principum una cum regina Bertradane, ut antiquitus ordo deposcit, sublimatur in regno’ (Continuator of Fredegar, Chronicle, IV, ed. J.M. Wallace-Hadrill (London: Nelson, 1960), c. 33, p. 102).

6 For the older view see, for instance, F. Kern, Kingship and Law in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Blackwell, 1939), pp. 35-36; and W. Ullmann, A Short History of the Papacy in the Middle Ages (London: Methuen, 1972), p. 76.

7 On these questions see H. Wolfram, Intitulatio, I: Lateinische Königs- und Fürstentitel bis zum Ende des 8. Jahrhunderts, Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 21 (Graz-Vienna-Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1967), p. 213.

8 ‘Memor esto ergo semper, rex mi, dei regis tui cum timore et amore, quod tu es in vice illius super omnia membra eius custodire et regere, et rationem reddere in die iudicii etiam per te. Et episcopus est in secundo loco, in vice Christi tantum est. Ergo considerate inter vos diligenter legem dei constituere super populum dei’ (MGH, Epp., IV, p. 503).

9 MGH, Conc., II, 1, p. 142.

10 See preface to the Libri carolini (MGH, Conc., II, Suppl.), p. 2.

11 MGH, Epp., IV, n. 171, p. 282. See W. Levison, ‘Die mittelalterliche Lehre von den beiden Schwerten’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters IX (1952), pp. 25-8; H. Hoffman, ‘Die beiden Schwerter im hohen Mittelalter’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters XX (1964), p. 78; Anton, Fürstenspiegel, p. 113.

12 See Anton, Fürstenspiegel, pp. 111-12.

13 Ibid., p. 94.

14 See P. Godman, Poets and Emperors. Frankish Politics and Carolingian Poetry (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), p. 65.

15 See W. Ullmann, The Carolingian Renaissance and the Idea of Kingship (London: Methuen, 1969), p. 44.

16 ‘Principaliter itaque totius sanctae dei ecclesiae corpus in duas eximias personas, in sacerdotalem videlicet et regalem, sicut a sanctis patribus traditum accepimus, divisum esse novimus. De qua re Gelasius Romanae sedis venerabilis episcopus ad Anastasium imperatorem ita scribit: “Duae sunt quippe”, inquit, “imperatrices augustae, quibus principaliter mundus hic regitur, auctoritas sacrata pontificum et regalis potestas, in quibus tanto gravius pondus est sacerdotum, quanto etiam pro ipsis regibus hominum in divino reddituri sunt examine rationem”’ (MGH, Conc., II, 2:1.3, p. 610). See above, pp. 35-6, for the Gelasian passage, which has ‘imperator auguste’, not ‘imperatrices augustae’.

17 See the critical text contained in J. Reviron, Les idées politico-religieuses d’un évêque du IXe siècle. Jonas d’Orleans et son ‘De institutione regia’. Etude et texte critique, L’Eglise et l’Etat au Moyen Age 1 (Paris: J. Vrin, 1930), p. 134; and the discussion by R.L. Benson, ‘The Gelasian doctrine: uses and transformations’, in G. Makdisi, D. Sourdel and J. Sourdel-Thomine (eds), La notion d’autorité au Moyen Age. Islam, Byzance, Occident (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1982).

18 See H. Fuhrmann, Einfluss und Verbreitung der pseudoisidorischen Fälschungen, 3 vols, Schriften der MGH 24 (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1972-4).

19 MGH, Epp., V, n. 17: ‘Neque ignorare debueratis maius esse regimen animarum, quod est pontificale quam imperiale, quod est temporale’ (p. 228), and ‘Sic enim ipsis imperatoribus loquitur [Gregorius Nazanzenus] dicens, “Suscipitisne libertatem verbi, libenter accipitis, quod lex Christi sacerdotali vos nostrae sibicit potestati atque istis tribunalibus subdit?”’ (p. 229).

20 ‘Universitas credentium ab hac sancta Romana ecclesia, quae caput omnium est ecclesiarum, doctrinam exquirit, integritatem fidei deposcit’ (MGH, Epp., VI, Ep. 86, p. 447); ‘Nos divinitus…constituti …principes super omnem terram, id est, super universam ecclesiam’ (Ep. 88, p. 475); ‘Non autem vobis licet clericos iudicare, cum vos magis ab ipsis conveniat iudicari’ (Ep. 99, c. 83, p. 595).

21 ‘Regale ministerium specialiter est populum dei gubernare et regere cum equitate et iustitia et, ut pacem et concordiam habeant, studere’ (MGH, Conc., II, 2:2.2, p. 651); De institutione regia, c. 4 (Reviron edn, p. 145).

22 ‘Fac [mitissime rex] quidquid potes pro persona quam gestas, pro ministerio regali quod portas, pro nomine Christiani quod habes, pro vice Christi qua fungeris’ (Via regia, PL, 102, col. 958).

23 ‘Ut sanctae suae ecclesiae et regni huius curam gereremus’ (MGH, Cap., I, n. 150, c. 2, p. 303).

24 ‘Sed quamquam summa huius ministerii in nostra persona consistere videatur, tamen et divina auctoritate et humana ordinatione ita per partes divisum esse cognoscitur, ut unusquisque vestrum in suo loco et ordine partem nostri ministerii habere cognoscatur; unde apparet, quod ego omnium vestrum admonitor esse debeo, et omnes vos nostri adiutores esse debetis’ (MGH, Cap., I, n. 150, c. 3, p. 303); see also c. 8 (p. 304) and c. 14 (p. 305).

25 See Anton, Fürstenspiegel, pp. 293-4, 318.

26 See J. Devisse, Hincmar, Archevêque de Reims 845-882, 3 vols (Geneva: Droz, 1976), II, pp. 677 and 696; and Benson, ‘Gelasian doctrine’, p. 23.

27 See J.L. Nelson, ‘The earliest surviving royal Ordo: some liturgical and historical aspects’, in B. Tierney and P. Linehan (eds), Authority and Power. Studies on Medieval Law and Government Presented to Walter Ullmann on his Seventieth Birthday (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980), pp. 33-5.

28 For Carolingian coronation ordines see, especially, J.L. Nelson, Politics and Ritual in Early Medieval Europe (London: Hambledon Press, 1986), pp. 133-71, 239-57, 259-81, 283-307, 329-39, 361-74.

29 See P. Schramm, Kaiser, Könige und Päpste, 4 vols (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1968), II, pp. 140-248.

30 See ‘Earliest surviving’, p. 48.

31 See J.L. Nelson, ‘National synods, kingship as office, and royal anointing: an early medieval syndrome’, in Politics and Ritual in Early Medieval Europe (London: Hambledon Press, 1986), p. 250.

32 ‘Deus omnipotens, te, o clarissime rex, quando voluit, et ubi voluit, de regali nobilique genere nobiliter procreavit, et misericorditer ad lavacrum regenerationis perduxit: caput tuum oleo sacri chrismatis linivit, et dignanter in filium adoptavit. Constituit te regem populi terrae, et proprii Filii sui in caelo fieri iussit haeredem’ (Via regia, PL, 102, col. 933). The best modern discussion of this passage is in O. Eberhardt, Via Regia. Der Fürstenspiegel Smaragds von St. Mihiel und seine literarische Gattung, Münstersche Mittelalter-Schriften 28 (Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1977), pp. 536ff. (see pp. 537-8 for a summary of the range of conflicting scholarly opinion).

33 ‘Coronet te Dominus corona gloriae in misericordia et miserationibus suis et ungat te in regni regimine oleo gratiae Spiritus sancti sui, unde unxit sacerdotes, reges, prophetas et martyres, qui per fidem vicerunt regna et operati sunt iustitiam atque adepti sunt promissiones; eisdemque promissionibus gratia Dei dignus efficiaris, quatenus eorum consortio in caelesti regno perfrui merearis. Amen…Et pace in diebus tuis concessa cum palma victoriae te ad perpetuum regnum perducat. Amen. Et qui te voluit super populum suum constituere regem, et in praesenti seculo felicem et aeternae felicitatis tribuat esse consortem. Amen. Clerum ac populum, quern sua voluit opitulatione tuae subdere ditioni, sua dispensatione et tua administratione per diuturna tempora te faciat feliciter gubernare; quo divinis monitis parentes, adversitatibus omnibus carentes, bonis omnibus exuberantes, tuo ministerio fideli amore obsequentes et in praesenti seculo pacis tranquillitate fruantur et tecum aeternorum civium consortio potiri mereantur’ (MGH, Cap., II, p. 457).

34 See Ullmann, Carolingian Renaissance, pp. 73-4.

35 See ibid., p. 95.

36 ‘Mediator Dei et hominum te mediatorem cleri et plebis in hoc regni solio confirmet et in regnum eternum secum regnare faciat’: for the text of this ordo see C. Erdmann, Forschungen zur politischen Ideenwelt des Frühmittelalters (Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1951), pp. 87ff.

37 ‘Et unicuique in suo ordine secundum sibi competentes leges tam ecclesiasticas quam mundanas legem et iustitiam conservare’ (MGH, Cap., II, n. 276, p. 339).

38 ‘Polliceor etiam me servaturum leges et statuta populo qui mihi ad regendum misericordia dei committitur’ (MGH, Cap., II, n. 283, p. 364).

39 See ‘Kingship, law and liturgy in the political thought of Hincmar of Rheims’, in Politics and Ritual in Early Medieval Europe (London: Hambledon Press, 1986), p. 142.

40 ‘Accipe coronam regni, quae licet ab indignis…capiti tuo imponitur…intelligas per hanc te participem ministerii nostri non ignores, ita ut, sicut nos in interioribus pastores rectoresque animarum intelligimur, tu quoque in exterioribus veins Dei cultor strenuus contra omnes…coronatus.’

41 ‘A qua consecratione…proici a nullo debueram, saltern sine audientia et iudicio episcoporum, quorum ministerio in regem sum consecratus’ (Libellus adversus Wenilonem, c. 3, MGH, Cap., II, p. 451).

42 The best study is J. Hannig, Consensus fidelium. Frühfeudale Interpretations des Verhältnisses von Königtum und Adel am Beispiel des Frankenreiches, Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 27 (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1982).

43 See F. Graus, ‘Über die sogennante germanische Treue’, Historia I (1959), pp. 71-121; and Graus, ‘Herrschaft und Treue. Betrachtungen zur Lehre von der germanischen Kontinuität’, Historia XII (1966), pp. 5-44.

44 See E.A.R. Brown, ‘The tyranny of a construct: feudalism and historians of medieval Europe’, American Historical Review LXXIX (1974), pp. 1063-88, for the classic and highly influential attack on the concept of feudalism.

45 See, for instance, D.E. Luscombe, ‘Introduction: the formation of political thought in the west (c.750-c.1150)’ in J.H. Burns (ed.) The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought c. 350-c. 1450 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 159-60; and R.van Caenegem, ‘Government, law and society (c.750-c.1150)’, in J.H. Burns (ed.) The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought c. 350-c. 1450 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 198-210.

46 There was, for instance, the case of Tassilo, duke of Bavaria, who in 757 became Pippin’s vassal (Annales regni Francorum, pp. 14-16).

47 See E. Magnou-Nortier, Foi et fidélité. Recherches sur l’évolution des liens personnels chez les Francs du VIIe au IXe siècle, Publications de l’Université de Toulouse-Le Mirail, série A, 28 (Association des publications de l’Université de Toulouse-Le Mirail, 1976), p. 120.

48 ‘Ego Hludowicus misericordia domini Dei nostri et electione populi rex constitutus’ (MGH, Cap., II, n. 283, p. 364).

49 See Nelson, ‘Kingship, law and liturgy’, p. 153.

50 MGH, Cap., II, n. 254, pp. 253-5.

51 MGH, Cap., II, n. 269, p. 296.

52 See Nelson, ‘Kingship, law and liturgy’, p. 150.

53 ‘Lex consensu populi et constitutione regis fit’ (MGH, Cap., II, n. 273, p. 313). See also Hincmar, De ordine palatii, c. 8 (MGH, Cap., II, p. 520): ‘Habent enim reges et reipublicae ministri leges…habent capitula christianorum regum ac progenitorum suoruin, quae generali consensu fidelium suorum tenere legaliter promulgaverunt.’

54 ‘Wat waren de capitularia?’, pp. 96-7.

55 See Hannig, Consensus fidelium, pp. 166-95.

56 See Ullmann, Carolingian Renaissance, pp. 178-9.

57 ‘Karolus gratia dei rex regnique Francorum rector et devotus ecclesiae defensor et adiutor’ (MGH, Cap., II, n. 19, p. 44): see T. Mayer, ‘Staatsauffassung in der Karolingerzeit’, in Das Königtum. Seine geistigen und rechtlichen Grundlagen (Lindau and Constance: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1956), pp. 170-71.

58 ‘[Tractare] de regis ac regni stabilitate et utilitate…et suum atque totius populi communem profectum’: see K.F. Werner, ‘Hludowicus augustus: gouverner l’empire chrétien—idées et réalités’, in P. Godman and R. Collins, Charlemagne’s Heir. New Perspectives on the Reign of Louis the Pious (814-840) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), p. 89.

59 See F. Crosara, ‘Respublica e respublicae. Cenni terminologici dall’ età romana all’ XI secolo’, in G. Moschetti (ed.), Atti del Congresso Internazionale di Diritto Romano e di Storia del Diritto, Verona 1948 (Milan: Giuffré, 1953), IV, p. 257; W. Wehlen, Geschichtsschreibung und Staatsauffassung im Zeitalter Ludwigs des Frommen, Historische Studien 418 (Lübeck and Hamburg: Matthiesen Verlag, 1970); E. Boshof, ‘Einheitsidee und Teilungsprinzip in der Regierungszeit Ludwigs des Frommen’, in P. Godman and R. Collins, Charlemagne’s Heir. New Perspectives on the Reign of Louis the Pious (814-840) (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), p. 165.

60 See T. Struve, Die Entwicklung der organologischen Staatsauffassung im Mittelalter, Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 16 (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1978), pp. 87-91; and J. Fried, ‘Der Karolingische Herrschaftsverband im 9. Jh. zwischen “Kirche” und “Königshaus”’, Historische Zeitschrift CCXXXV (1982), pp. 1-43.

61 See Struve, Entwicklung, p. 87.

62 ‘Interea nostis…quibus ordinibus Christi constat ecclesia? Certum quippe quod secundum singulorum officia requirendus est ordo disciplinae et status rei publicae. Vnde primum considerari oportet intus divina, turn exterius humana, quia proculdubio his duobus totius ecclesiae status administratur ordinibus…Habeat igitur rex rempublicam libere in usibus militiae suae ad dispensandum, habeat et Christus res ecclesiarum, quasi alteram rempublicam, omnium indigentium et sibi servientium usibus, suis commissam ministris fidelibus’ (II, c. 2, p. 548).

63 The literature on the coronation of Charlemagne is vast. See, for instance, R. Folz, The Concept of Empire in Western Europe from the Fifth to the Fourteenth Century (London: Edward Arnold, 1969), pp. 19-23; P. Classen, ‘Karl der Grosse, das Papsttum und Byzanz. Die Begründung des Karolingischen Kaisertums’, in H. Beumann (ed.), Karl der Grosse (Düsseldorf: Verlag L. Schwann, 1968), I, pp. 537-608; and K.F. Werner, ‘L’empire carolingien et le Saint Empire’, in M. Duverger (ed.), Le concept d’empire (Paris: Presses universitaires de France, 1980), pp. 151-98.

64 ‘Et tunc venerabilis et almificus presul manibus suis propriis pretiosissima corona coronavit eum. Tunc universi fideles Romani videntes tanta defensione et dilectione quam erga sanctam Romanam ecclesiam et eius vicarium habuit, unanimiter altisona voce, Dei nutu atque beati Petri clavigeri regni caelorum, exclamaverunt: “Karolo, piissimo Augusto a Deo coronato, magno et pacifico imperatori, vita et victoria.” Ante sacram confessionem beati Petri apostoli, plures sanctos invocantes, ter dictum est: et ab omnibus constitutes est imperator Romanorum.’ See Liber pontificalis, ed. L. Duchesne (Paris: Boccard, 1955), II, p. 7.

65 ‘Ablato patricii nomine imperator et augustus est appellatus’ (MGH, SS rer. Germ., VI, p. 112).

66 ‘Ipsa die sacratissima natalis Domini, cum rex ad missam ante confessionem beati Petri apostoli ab oratione surgeret, Leo Papa coronam capiti eius imposuit et a cuncto Romanorum populo adclamatum est: Carolo augusto, a Deo coronato magno et pacifico imperatori Romanorum, victoria et vita. Et post laudes ab apostolico more antiquorum principum adoratus est’ (ibid.).

67 ‘Karolus serenissimus augustus a Deo coronatus magnus pacificus imperator Romanum gubernans imperium, qui et per misericordiam Dei rex Francorum et Langobardorum’ (as, for instance, in MGH, Cap., I, c. 45, p. 126).

68 ‘Quo tempore imperatoris et augusti nomen accepit. Quod primo in tantum aversatus est ut adfirmaret se eo die…ecclesiam non intraturum si pontificis consilium praescire potuisset.’ See Einhard, Vita Karoli Magni, O. Holder-Egger (ed.), MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum, 25, c. 28, p. 32 (1911).

69 See P. Classen, ‘Romanum gubernans imperium. Zur Vorgeschichte der Kaisertitulatur Karls des Grossen’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters IX (1952), 103-21; and Classen, ‘Karl der Grosse’, p. 588.

70 Erdmann, Forschungen zur politischen Ideenwelt, pp. 1-51.

71 See his Vom antiken zum frühmittelalterlichen Staatsbegriff: über Verwendung und Bedeutung von Res publica, regnum, imperium und status von Cicero bis Jordanis, Orbis antiquus 16/17 (Münster: Aschendorff, 1977), p. 298.

72 Above, p. 16.

73 See, for instance, Folz, Concept of Empire, p. 17; Classen, ‘Karl der Grosse’, p. 592.

74 MGH, Conc., 2: Supplementum, 1.6, pp. 20-2. See Folz, Concept of Empire, p. 19.

75 See Classen, ‘Karl der Grosse’, p. 587; Werner, ‘L’empire carolingien’, pp. 168-70.

76 ‘Karolus divina largiente gratia imperator et augustus idemque rex Francorum et Langobardorum dilecto et honorabili fratri Michaeli glorioso imperatori et augusto aeternam in Domino nostro Jesu Christo salutem’ (MGH, Epp., 4, p. 556).

77 See J.L. Nelson, ‘Kingship and Empire’, in J.H. Burns (ed.), The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought c. 350-c. 1450 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 232.

78 ‘Sed quamvis haec admonitio devote ac fideliter fieret, nequaquam nobis nec his qui sanum sapiunt visum fuit, ut amore filiorum aut gratia unitas imperii a Deo nobis conservati divisione humana scinderetur, ne forte hac occasione scandalum in sancta ecclesia oriretur’ (MGH, Cap., I, n. 136, p. 270). For this transpersonal interpretation see E. Boshof, ‘Einheitsidee’, pp. 165,178-80.

79 ‘Ita quoque nobis propter bonam opinionem, orthodosiam, regimen imperii Romani suscepimus: Graeci propter kacodosiam, id est malam opinionem, Romanorum imperatores existere cessaverunt’ (MGH, Epp., VII, p. 390).

80 ‘Excellentiam tuam ad honorem et exaltationem sanctae Romanae ecclesiae et ad securitatem populi Christiani eligendam esse speravimus’ (from John’s offer of the crown to Charles: MGH, Epp., VII, n. 59, p. 311).

81 See Erdmann, Forschungen zur politischen Ideenwelt, p. 30.

82 See, for instance, H. Fuhrmann, ‘Konstantinische Schenkung und abendländisches Kaisertum. Ein Beitrag zur Überlieferungsgeschichte des Constitutum Constantini’, Deutsches Archi? für die Erforschung des Mittelalters XXII (1966), pp. 65-6.

83 ‘Quoniam, ubi principatus sacerdotum et christianae religionis caput ab imperatore caelesti constitutum est, iustum non est, ut illic imperator terrenus habeat potestatem’ (Constitutum Constantini, c. 18, ed. H. Fuhrmann, MGH, Fontes iuris Germanici antiqui in usum scholarum X (Hanover, 1968), pp. 94-5).

84 ‘Et pontifex, qui pro tempore ipsius sacrosanctae Romanae ecclesiae extiterit, celsior et princeps cunctis sacerdotibus totius mundi existat’ (c. 12, ibid., pp. 82-3).

85 See Fuhrmann, ‘Konstantinische Schenkung und abendländisches Kaisertum’, pp. 121-2.

86 See W. Ullmann, ‘The origins of the Ottonianum’, The Cambridge Historical Journal XI (1) (1952), pp. 114-28.

87 Widukind of Corvey, Rerum gestarum Saxonicarum libri tres, Paul Hirsch and H.-E. Lohmann (eds), MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum, LX (Hanover, 1935), 1.39 (p. 58) and 3.49 (p. 128).

88 Widukind, ibid., 3.76, p. 154. See Erdmann, Forschungen zur politischen Ideenwelt, pp. 44-7.

89 See Nelson, ‘Kingship and empire’, p. 245.

90 DO III.389, MGH, Diplomata, II, ii, 818-20.

91 DH II.284, MGH, Diplomata, III, 336.

92 See W. Ullmann, The Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages, 3rd edn (London: Methuen, 1970), p. 250; and Folz, Concept of Empire, p. 68.

93 See M. Maccarrone, ‘Il sovrano “vicarius dei” nell’alto medio evo’, in The Sacral Kingship. Contributions to the Central Theme of the VIIIth

International Congress for the History of Religions, Rome, April, 1955 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1959), pp. 590-1; R. Deshman, ‘Christus rex et magi reges: Kingship and Christology in Ottonian and Anglo-Saxon art’, Frühmittelalterliche Studien. Jahrbuch des Instituts für Frühmittelalterforschung der Universität Münster X (1976), pp. 387-9.

94 See E.H. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Medieval Political Theology (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957), pp. 61-78; Deshman, ‘Christus rex et magi reges’.

95 See K.J. Leyser, Rule and Conflict in an Early Medieval Society: Ottonian Saxony (London: Edward Arnold, 1979), pp. 102-3; and Leyser, Medieval Germany and its Neighbours, 900-1250 (London: Hambledon Press, 1982), pp. 76-9. For the itinerant nature of this monarchy see John W. Bernhardt, Itinerant Kingship and Royal Monasteries in Early Medieval Germany, c. 936-1075, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, fourth series, 21 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 45-70.

96 See J. Gillingham, The Kingdom of Germany in the High Middle Ages (900-1200), Historical Association Pamphlet 77 (London, 1971), pp. 9-11.

97 See H. Keller, ‘Zum Charakter der “Staatlichkeit” zwischen karolingischer Reichsreform und hochmittelalterlichem Herrschaftsausbau’, Frühmittelalterliche Studien XXIII (1989), p. 250.

98 ‘Si rex periit, regnum remansit, sicut navis remanet, cuius gubernator cadit. Aedes publicae fuerant, non privatae’—Gesta Chuonradi imperatoris, H. Bresslau (ed.), MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 61 (Hanover, 1915), c. 7, p. 30.

99 See H. Beumann, ‘Zur Entwicklung transpersonaler Staatsvorstellungen’, in T. Mayer (ed.), Das Königtum. Seine geistigen und rechtlichen Grundlagen, Vorträge und Forschungen III (Lindau and Constance: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1956), pp. 193,199.

100 See B. Paradisi, ‘Formule di sovranità e tradizione biblica’, in Studi sul Medioevo giuridico, Istituto storico italiano per il medio evo, Studi storici, fasc. 163-73, 2 vols (Rome, 1987), I, p. 494.

101 See B. Schneidmüller, Karolingische Tradition und frühes französisches Königtum. Untersuchungen zur Herrschaftslegitimation der westfrankisch-französischen Monarchie im 10. Jahrhundert, Frankfurter historische Abhandlungen 22 (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1979), pp. 67-8.

102 See K.F. Werner, ‘Das hochmittelalterliche imperium im politischen Bewusstsein Frankreichs (10.-12. Jahrhundert)’, Historische Zeitschrift CC (1965), pp. 16-18; Schneidmüller, Karolingische Tradition, pp. 177-8; J. Dunbabin, ‘What’s in a name? Philip, King of France’, Speculum LXVIII(4) (1993), pp. 967-8.

103 See Werner, ‘Hochmittelalterliche imperium’, p. 16, n. 2; Schneidmüller, Karolingische Tradition, p. 67.

104 Collectio canonum, c. 7, PL, 139, col. 480.

105 Ibid., c. 9, PL, 139, col. 482; see M. Mostert, The Political Theology of Abbo of Fleury. A Study of the Ideas about Society and Law of the Tenth-Century Monastic Reform Movement, Medieval Studies and Sources 2 (Hilversum: Verloren Publishers, 1987), pp. 110, 130-2.

106 Epitoma vitae regis Roberti pii, R.-H. Bautier and G. Labory (eds), in Institut de recherche et d’histoire des textes, Sources d’histoire médiévale, I (Paris: Editions du Centre National de la Recherche Stientifique, 1965), p. 80.

107 See Werner, ‘Hochmittelalterliche imperium’, p. 16, n. 1.

108 Cartularium Saxonicum, W.de G. Birch (ed.) (London: Whiting & Co., 1893), III, nos. 1259, 1201, 1319, 1044; for assessment of the authenticity of charters see P.H. Sawyer, Anglo-Saxon Charters: An Annotated Guide and Bibliography, Royal Historical Society Guides and Handbooks (London: Royal Historical Society, 1968); see also J.L. Nelson, ‘Inauguration rituals’, in Politics and Ritual in Early Medieval Europe (London: Hambledon Press, 1986), pp. 301-3.

109 See discussion in E.E. Stengel, ‘Imperator und imperium bei den Angelsachsen. Eine wort- und begriffsgeschichtliche Untersuchung’, Deutsches Archi? für die Erforschung des Mittelalters XVI (1960), pp. 32-5.

110 Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum, eds Bertram Colgrave and R.A.B. Mynors (Oxford: Clarendon Press, repr. 1991), 2.5, pp. 148-50; for this passage see also J.M. Wallace-Hadrill, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People. An Historical Commentary (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), pp. 57-8.

111 Life of Alfred, ed. W.H. Stevenson (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1904).

112 For Spain see Erdmann, Forschungen zur politischen Ideenwelt, pp. 33-6; Folz, Concept of Empire, pp. 40-1; J.F.O’Callaghan, A History of Medieval Spain (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1975), pp. 121,136, 164; R. Collins, Early Medieval Spain. Unity in Diversity, 400-1100 (London: Macmillan, 1983), pp. 235-6.

113 See H.Löwe, ‘Kaisertum und Abendland in Ottonischer und Frühsalischer Zeit’, Historische Zeitschrift CXCVI (1963), p. 562; Werner, ‘Hochmittelalterliche imperium’, pp. 49-53.

3 POLITICAL IDEAS IN THE HIGH MIDDLE AGES, c. 1050-c. 1290

1 See his Ep., 167 (PL, 54, col. 1203).

2 See R. Schieffer, Die Entstehung des päpstlichen Investiturverbots für den deutschen König, Schriften der MGH 28 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann Verlag, 1981), p. 11, n. 16.

3 Epistola, VII, 3 (PL, 144, col. 440).

4 ‘Splendidae memoriae pater eius magnificus imperator sublimiter exaltavit ecclesiam’ (ibid., col. 441).

5 MGH, Libelli de lite, I, 225.

6 See Schieffer, Entstehung, pp. 48-95.

7 ‘Salvo debito honore et reverentia dilecti filii nostri Henrici, qui inpresentiarum rex habetur et futurus imperator Deo concedente speratur, sicut iam sibi concessimus, et successorum illius, qui ab hac apostolica sede personaliter hoc ius impetraverint’ (MGH, Const., I, no. 382, c. 6, p. 540).

8 For papal use of these texts see above, p. 30. See also B. Szabó-Bechstein, ‘Libertas ecclesiae: Ein Schlüsselbegriff des Investiturstreits

und seine Vorgeschichte, 4.-11. Jahrhundert’, Studi Gregoriani XII (Rome, 1985), p. 5 (this is the best study of the concept of libertas ecclesiae).

9 Reg., II, 55a (MGH, Epistolae selectae in usum scholarum, II, 2nd edn (Berlin: Weidmann, 1955), pp. 201-8).

10 As in I.S. Robinson, The Papacy 1073-1198. Continuity and Innovation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), at for instance p. 18.

11 ‘Quod illi liceat imperatores deponere’; ‘Quod solus possit uti imperialibus insigniis’; ‘Quod a fidelitate iniquorum subiectos potest absolvere.’

12 ‘Pape omnis potestas mundi subdi debet…Regna mutare potest’ (c. 10), quoted in Caspar’s notes to Dictate XII, p. 204.

13 Reg. I, 21, p. 35.

14 Reg. III, 10, pp. 263-4.

15 For a translation of this letter see T.E. Mommsen and K.F. Morrison (trans.) and R.L. Benson (ed.), Imperial Lives and Letters of the Eleventh Century (with a historical introduction by K.F. Morrison), The Records of Civilization Sources and Studies, 67 (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1962), pp. 150-1.

16 Reg. III, 10a, pp. 270-1.

17 See Schieffer, Entstehung, pp. 159-73: he argues that Gregory condemned lay investiture as a result of the crisis of 1076.

18 ‘Maior potestas exorciste conceditur, cum spiritualis imperator ad abiciendos demones constituitur, quam alicui laicorum causa secularis dominationis tribui possit’ (Reg. VIII, 21, p. 555).

19 After quoting Gregory I’s statement (for the text of which see p. 38, n. 137), Gregory VII added, ‘Beatus Gregorius…reges, qui statuta sua…violarent, non modo deponi sed etiam excommunicari atque in eterno examine dampnari decrevit’ (Reg. VIII, 21, pp. 550-1).

20 ‘Duo sunt quippe, imperator auguste, quibus principaliter mundus hic regitur, auctoritas sacrata pontificum et regalis potestas; in quibus tanto gravius pondus est sacerdotum, quanto etiam pro ipsis regibus hominum in divino reddituri sunt examine rationem; et paucis interpositis inquit: Nosti itaque inter hec illorum te pendere iudicio, non illos ad tuam velle redigi voluntatem’ (Reg. VIII, 21, p. 553). For the section which Gregory omitted from Gelasius’ text see p. 36, n. 125.

21 ‘In terra imperia regna principatus ducatus marchias comitatus et omnium hominum possessiones pro meritis tollere unicuique et concedere’ (Reg. VII, 14a, p. 487).

22 ‘Quis nesciat reges et duces ab iis habuisse principium, qui Deum ignorantes superbia rapinis perfidia homitidiis postremo universis pene sceleribus mundi principe diabolo videlicet agitante super pares, scilicet homines, dominari ceca cupidine et intollerabili presumptione affectaverunt?’ (Reg. VIII, 21, p. 552).

23 ‘Quis dubitet sacerdotes Christi regum et principum omniumque fidelium patres et magistros censeri?’ (Reg. VIII, 21, p. 553); ibid., p. 562, he refers to ‘oculos illius, videlicet Domini sacerdotes magistros et patres’.

24 ‘Quos sancta ecclesia sua sponte ad regimen vel imperium deliberate consilio advocat non pro transitoria gloria, sed pro multorum salute, humiliter obediant’ (ibid., p. 561).

25 Reg. IX, 3, pp. 575-6.

26 See p. 37.

27 See, for instance, B. Tierney, ‘The continuity of papal political theory in the thirteenth century. Some methodological considerations’, Mediaeval Studies XXVII (1965), pp. 227-45.

28 ‘Quod absentes papa possit deponere’ (Reg. II, 55a, Dictate, V).

29 See Robinson, Papacy, pp. 179-80.

30 ‘Quod nullus audeat condemnare apostolicam sedem apellantem’ (Reg. II, 55a, Dictate, XX).

31 ‘Quod illius precepto et licentia subiectis liceat accusare’ (ibid., Dictate, XXIV).

32 ‘Quod a nemine ipse iudicari debeat’ (ibid., Dictate, XIX).

33 ‘Quod nullum capitulum nullusque liber canonicus habeatur absque illius auctoritate’ (ibid., Dictate, XVII); ‘Quod nulla synodus absque precepto eius debet generalis vocari’ (ibid., Dictate, XVI).

34 ‘Quod illi soli licet pro temporis necessitate novas leges condere’ (ibid., Dictate, VII).

35 See C. Morris, The Papal Monarchy. The Western Church from 1050 to 1250 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), p. 131.

36 ‘Sanctam Romanam ecclesiam omnium ecclesiarum matrem et magistram’ (H.E.J. Cowdrey, ed. and trans., The ‘Epistolae vagantes’ of Pope Gregory VII (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1972), p. 134).

37 MGH, L de L, I, pp. 571-620.

38 MGH, L de L, I, p. 385 (c. 43).

39 ‘Ergo rex a Christi sacerdotibus, qui veri aecclesiae principes sunt, est constituendus; consensus tantum laicorum requirendus. Igitur quia sacerdotium iure regnum constituit, iure regnum sacerdotio subiacebit’ (MGH, L de L, III, p. 73 (c. 22)).

40 ‘Regnum et sacerdotium deo nesciente sibi usurpavit. In quo piam dei ordinationem contempsit, que non in uno, sed in duobus, duo, id est regnum et sacerdotium, principaliter consistere voluit, sicut ipse salvator in passione sua de duorum gladiorum sufficientia typica intelligi innuit. Cui cum diceretur: ‘domine, ecce duo gladii hic,’ respondit, ‘satis est,’ significans hac sufficienti dualitate spiritualem et carnalem gladium in ecclesia esse gerendum, quibus omne nocivum foret amputandum, videlicet sacerdotali ad obedientiam regis pro deo, regali vero gladio ad expellendos Christi inimicos exterius, et ad obedientiam sacerdotii interius’ (C. Erdmann (ed.), Die Briefe Heinrichs IV. (Leipzig: Hiersemann Verlag, 1937), p. 19).

41 See pp. 49-50.

42 See I.S. Robinson, Authority and Resistance in the Investiture Contest. The Polemical Literature of the Late Eleventh Century (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1978), p. 136. For Peter Damian, see W. Levison, ‘Die mittelalterliche Lehre von den beiden Schwerten’, Deutsches Archiv für die Erforschung des Mittelalters IX (1952), pp. 28-9.

43 In Cantica canticorum et de sancta Maria tractatus ad Comitissam Matildam, eds B. Bischoff and B. Traeger, Spicilegium Friburgense, 19 (Freiburg, Schweiz: Universitätsverlag, 1973), p. 52.

44 MGH, Epp., VI, 327, 502, 641.

45 Letter 17, Die Briefe Heinrichs IV., ed. Erdmann, p. 25 (written in 1082).

46 ‘Et ita de alio in alium caritate tenderetur, dum nec sacerdotii regnum nec sacerdotium regni honore privaretur’ (Die Briefe Heinrichs IV., ed. Erdmann, p. 19).

47 ‘Ego H.dei gratia rex cum omnibus episcopis nostris tibi dicimus: descende, descended (Die Briefe Heinrichs IV., ed. Erdmann, p. 17). See p. 90, n. 15.

48 MGH, L de L, I, pp. 435-7 (c. 2). For Cunctos populos see p. 5. Placuit was Constantius’ decree of 354 closing down pagan temples.

49 MGH, L de L, I, pp. 438-9 (c. 4).

50 MGH, Scriptores, XI, pp. 591-681, at 598, 602, 609 and 671 (for vicarius conditoris). For the theme of Romanism and the Salians see especially T. Struve, ‘Kaisertum und Romgedanke in salischer Zeit’, Deutsches Archi? für die Erforschung des Mittelalters XLIV (1988), pp. 42-54.

51 ‘His duobus ecclesiae capitibus discordantibus, omnia sive animae sive corpori profectura turbantur et ad interitum inclinantur’ (MGH, L de L, I, p. 470).

52 MGH, L de L, I, pp. 466-7.

53 ‘Quamvis rex a numero laicorum merito in huiusmodi separetur, cum oleo consecrationis inunctus sacerdotalis ministerii particeps esse cognoscitur’ (MGH, L de L, I, p. 467).

54 MGH, L de L, II, pp. 184-5 (Liber I, c. 1).

55 ‘Igitur, sive sit ille Gregorius, sive Hildebrant, vel alius quisquam, qui praeest parti, non ecclesiae, non potuit Henrichum regem damnare, qui certe hoc studet, hoc optat et maxime laborat, ut fiat unum corpus ecclesiae, quatinus perinde etiam possit fieri unum corpus rei publicae’ (MGH, L de L, E, p. 228 (Liber II, c. 15)).

56 ‘Qui, cum pro pontificali dignitate non deberent vel negotiis saecularibus sese implicare, usurpaverunt sibi ordinationem regiae dignitatis contra Dei ordinationem’ (MGH, L de L, II, p. 226 (Liber II, c. 15)).

57 MGH, L de L, II, p. 199 (Liber I, c. 11); ibid., p. 227 (Liber II, c. 15). See p. 92, n. 19.

58 MGH, L de L, II, p. 188 (Liber I, c. 3).

59 ‘Quis potent discernere causam regni a causa sacerdotii?’ (MGH, L de L, II, p. 462 (c.11).

60 ‘Ergo concordia principis pontifex ordinetur, ut eius obsequio in rebus temporalibus eclesia fulceatur’ (MGH, L de L, II, p. 538 (c. 6)).

61 See G.H. Williams, The Norman Anonymous of 1100 A.D. Toward the Identification and Evaluation of the So-called Anonymous of York, Harvard Theological Studies 18 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1951). For a critical text see K. Pellens (ed.), Die Texte des normannischen Anonymus. Neu aus des HS 415 des Corpus Christi College Cambridge, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Europäische Geschichte Mainz, 42 (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1966).

62 ‘In una quippe erat naturaliter individuus homo, in altera per gratiam christus, id est, deus-homo’ (Die Texte des normannischen Anonymus, ed. Pellens, p. 130).

63 See Williams, Norman Anonymous, p. 166.

64 ‘Manifestum est reges habere sacrosanctam potestatem ecclesiastici regiminis super ipsos etiam pontifices Domini et imperium super eos, ut et ipsi pie fideliterque regant sanctam ecclesiam’ (see Pellens’ discussion in Die Texte des normannischen Anonymus, p. xxxvi).

65 MGH, L de L, I, pp. 391-2 (c. 47).

66 See Robinson, Authority and Resistance, p. 128. See also H. Fuhrmann, ‘“Volkssouveränität” und “Herrschaftsvertrag” bei Manegold von Lautenbach’, in S. Gagnér et al. (eds), Festschrift für Hermann Krause (Cologne/Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 1975), pp. 21-42.

67 See p. 30.

68 ‘They all drank from the spiritual rock that followed them as they went, and that rock was Christ,’

69 See Robinson, Authority and Resistance, p. 172. For Cyprian see G. Haendler, ‘Die drei grossen nordafrikanischen Kirchenväter über Mt 16, 18-19’, in Die Rolle des Papsttums in der Kirchengeschichte bis 1200. Ein Überblick und achtzehn Untersuchungen (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993), pp. 126-8.

70 See F. Gillmann, ‘Zur scholastischen Auslegung von Mt 16, 18’, Archiv für katholisches Kirchenrecht CIV (1924), pp. 41-53. See also Matthew 18:18 for Christ’s grant of powers of binding and loosing to all the apostles.

71 See W. Ullmann, The Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages, 3rd edn (London: Methuen, 1970), p. 408.

72 MGH, L de L, II, pp. 644-5.

73 See M.J. Wilks, ‘Ecclesiastica and Regalia: Papal investiture policy from the Council of Guastalla to the First Lateran Council, 1106-23’, Studies in Church History VII (1971), pp. 69-85.

74 ‘Quanto autem vita spiritualis dignior est quam terrena, et spiritus quam corpus, tanto spiritualis potestas terrenam sive saecularem potestatem honore, ac dignitati praecedit. Nam spiritualis potestas terrenam potestatem et instituere habet, ut sit, et iudicare habet si bona non fuerit’ (2.2.4, PL, 176, col. 418).

75 See M. Maccarrone, ‘“Potestas directa” e “potestas indirecta” nei teologi del XII e XIII secolo’, in Sacerdozio e regno da Gregorio VII a Bonifacio VIII, Miscellanea Historiae Pontificiae XVIII (1954), pp. 29-31. For a hierocratic interpretation see J.A. Watt, ‘Spiritual and temporal powers’, in J.H. Burns (ed.), The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought c. 350-c. 1450 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press), pp. 368-9. For Hugh’s political ideas see also F.-W. Witte, ‘Die Staats- und Rechtsphilosophie des Hugo von St Viktor’, Archiv für Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie XLIII (1957), pp. 555-74; F. Merzbacher, ‘Recht und Gewaltenlehre bei Hugo von St. Viktor’, Zeitschrift der Savigny Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Kan. Abt. XLIV (1958), pp. 181-208; and J. Ehlers, Hugo von St. Viktor. Studien zum Geschichtsdenken und zur Geschichtsschreibung des 12. Jahrhunderts, Frankfurter historische Abhandlungen 7 (Wiesbaden: Steiner Verlag, 1973).

76 ‘Et quidem quotidie perstrepunt in palatio leges, sed Iustiniani, non Domini. Iustene etiam istud?’ (De consideratione, 1.4.5, p. 399).

77 ‘Alii in partem sollicitudinis, tu in plenitudinem vocatus es. Aliorum potestas certis artatur limitibus: tua extenditur et in ipsos, qui potestatem super alios acceperunt’ (De consideratione, 2.8.16, p. 424).

78 ‘Tuus ergo et ipse, tuo forsitan nutu, etsi non tua manu, evaginandus. Alioquin, si nullo modo ad te pertineret et is, dicentibus apostolis: “Ecce gladii duo hic,” non respondisset Dominus: “Satis est,” sed: “Nimis est.” Vterque ergo ecclesiae, et spiritualis scilicet gladius, et materialis, sed is quidem pro ecclesia, ille vero et ab ecclesia exserendus: ille sacerdotis, is militis manu, sed sane ad nutum sacerdotis et iussum imperatoris’ (De consideratione, 4.3.7, p. 454).

79 Epistola CCLVI, Opera omnia, VIII, p. 163. For Stickler’s views see, for instance, his ‘Sacerdozio e regno nelle nuove ricerche attorno ai secoli XII e XIII nei Decretisti e Decretalisti fino alle decretali di Gregorio IX’, in Sacerdozio e regno da Gregorio VII a Bonifacio VIII, Miscellanea Historiae Pontificiae XVIII (1954), pp. 1-26. For a useful discussion of Stickler’s interpretation see S. Chodorow, Christian Political Theory and Church Politics in the Mid-Twelfth Century: The Ecclesiology of Gratian’s Decretum (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972), pp. 223-8 and 245-6.

80 For a hierocratic interpretation see, for instance, Ullmann, Growth of Papal Government, pp. 426-37. See also E. Kennan, ‘The “De consideratione” of St Bernard and the papacy in the mid-twelfth century: a review of scholarship’, Traditio XXIII (1967), pp. 73-115.

81 See, for instance, T. Gregory, ‘L’idea di natura nella filosofia medievale prima dell’ ingresso della fisica di Aristotele—il secolo XII’, in La filosofia della natura nel medioevo. Atti del Terzo Congresso internazionale di filosofia medioevale (Passo della Mendola, Trento, 31 agosto—5 settembre 1964) (Milan: Società editrice Vita e Pensiero, 1966), pp. 27-65; and T. Gregory, ‘La nouvelle idée de nature et de savoir scientifique au XIIe siècle’, in J.E. Murdoch and E.D. Sylla (eds), The Cultural Context of Medieval Learning (Proceedings of the First International Colloquium on Philosophy, Science and Theology in the Middle Ages, September 1973), Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science 26 (Dordrecht/Boston: D. Reidel Publishing Co., 1975), pp. 193-218. See also G. Post, Studies in Medieval Legal Thought, Public Law and the State, 1100-1322 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), pp. 499-521.

82 See B. Tierney, ‘Natura id est deus: a case of juristic pantheism’, Journal of the History of Ideas XXIV (1963), pp. 307-22.

83 See C.J. Nederman, ‘Nature, sin and the origins of society: the Ciceronian tradition in medieval political thought’, Journal of the History of Ideas XLIX (1988), pp. 3-26.

84 Policraticus, 1.4, 3.6, 4.1, 4.5, 6.21 (bees).

85 Policraticus, 4.1.

86 See p. 32; also M. Kerner, Johannes von Salisbury und die logische Struktur seines Policraticus (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1977), pp. 170-6.

87 ‘Princeps vero capitis in re publica optinet locum uni subiectus Deo et his qui vices illius agunt in terris, quoniam et in corpore humano ab anima vegetatur caput et regitur. Cordis locum senatus optinet, a quo bonorum operum et malorum procedunt initia. Oculorum aurium et linguae officia sibi vendicant iudices et praesides provinciarum. Officiales et milites manibus coaptantur. Qui semper adsistunt principi, lateribus assimilantur. Quaestores et commentarienses …ad ventris et intestinorum refert imaginem. Quae, si immensa aviditate congesserint et congesta tenacius reservaverint, innumerabiles et incurabiles generant morbos, ut vitio eorum totius corporis ruina immineat. Pedibus vero solo iugiter inherentibus agricolae coaptantur, quibus capitis providentia tanto magis necessaria est, quo plura inveniunt offendicula, dum in obsequio corporis in terra gradiuntur, eisque iustius tegumentorum debetur suffragium, qui totius corporis erigunt sustinent et promovent molem. Pedum adminicula robustissimo corpori tolle, suis viribus non procedet sed aut turpiter inutiliter et moleste manibus repet aut brutorum animalium ope movebitur’ (Policraticus, 5.2).

88 See Kerner, Johannes von Salisbury, pp. 176-81; and T. Struve, Die Entwicklung der organologischen Staatsauffassung im Mittelalter, Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 16 (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1978), pp. 126-30; but see also D.E. Luscombe, ‘John of Salisbury in recent scholarship’, in M. Wilks (ed.), The World of John of Salisbury, Studies in Church History, Subsidia 3 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1984), p. 24, for the debate about whether John derived his organic analogy from William of Conches.

89 ‘Publicae ergo utilitatis minister et aequitatis servus est princeps’ (Policraticus, 4.2). For John’s contribution to the theme of the common good see P. Hibst, Utilitas publica—Gemeiner Nutz—Gemeinwohl Untersuchungen zur Idee eines politischen Leitbegriffs von derAntike bis zum späten Mittelalter. Europäische Hochschulschriften, Reihe III. Geschichte und ihre Hilfswissenschaften, Series III, vol. 497 (Frankfurt, Bern, New York, Paris: Peter Lang, 1991), pp. 179-84.

90 ‘Est ergo tirannus, ut eum philosophi depinxerunt, qui violenta dominatione populum premit, sicut qui legibus regit princeps est. Porro lex donum Dei est, aequitatis forma, norma iustitiae, divinae voluntatis imago’ (Policraticus, 8.17).

91 ‘Tirannus, pravitatis imago, plerumque etiam occidendus’ (Policraticus, 8.17).

92 See R.H. and M.A. Rouse, ‘John of Salisbury and the doctrine of tyrannicide’, Speculum XLII (1967), pp. 693-709; but see also C.J. Nederman, ‘A duty to kill: John of Salisbury’s theory of tyrannicide’, Review of Politics L (1988), pp. 365-89.

93 ‘Secundum quam decet vivere omnes qui in politicae rei universitate versantur’ (Policraticus, 4.2).

94 ‘Hunc ergo gladium de manu Ecclesiae accipit princeps, cum ipsa tamen gladium sanguinis omnino non habeat. Habet tamen et istum, sed eo utitur per principis manum, cui cohercendorum corporum contulit potestatem, spiritualium sibi in pontificibus auctoritate reservata. Est ergo princeps sacerdotii quidem minister et qui sacrorum officiorum illam partem exercet quae sacerdotii manibus videntur indigna. Sacrarum namque legum omne officium religiosum et pium est, illud tamen inferius, quod in poenis criminum exercetur et quandam carnificii repraesentare videtur imaginem’ (Policraticus, 4.3).

95 ‘Merito in eum omnium subditorum potestas confertur, ut in utilitate singulorum et omnium exquirenda et facienda sibi ipse sufficiat, et humanae rei publicae status optime disponatur, dum sunt alter alterius membra’ (Policraticus, 4.1).

96 Policraticus, 5.2, 4.2.

97 ‘Omnium legum inanis est censura si non divinae legis imaginem gerat; et inutilis est constitutio principis si non est ecclesiasticae disciplinae conformis’ (Policraticus, 4.6). See G. Micza, Das Bild der Kirche bei Johannes von Salisbury, Bonner historische Forschungen 34 (Bonn: Ludwig Röhrscheid Verlag, 1970), pp. 78-9.

98 ‘In terris quaedam divinae maiestatis imago’ (Policraticus, 4.1).

99 See D.1.1.1: ‘Ius est ars boni et aequi. Cuius merito quis nos sacerdotes appellet: iustitiam namque colimus…veram nisi fallor philosophiam, non simulatam affectantes’ (Ulpian).

100 See pp. 11-12, for Roman law ideas; and for a magisterial treatment of Decretist and Glossatorial doctrines concerning natural law see R. Weigand, Die Naturrechtslehre der Legisten und Dekretisten von Irnerius bis Accursius und von Gratian bis Johannes Teutonicus, Münchener Theologische Studien III. Kanonistische Abteilung 26 (Munich: Max Huebler Verlag, 1967).

101 Decr. Grat., Dist. 1, c. 1: ‘Nomine vero legis humanae mores iure conscripti et traditi intelligantur’; ibid., Dist. 4, c. 3: ‘Leges instituuntur, cum promulgantur, firmantur, cum moribus utentium approbant.’

102 See K. Pennington, ‘Law, legislative authority, and theories of government, 1150-1300’, in J.H. Burns (ed.), The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought, c. 350-c. 1450 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 425. For the contradictions in the Corpus iuris civilis see above, pp. 9-10.

103 See K. Pennington, Pope and Bishops. The Papal Monarchy in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1984), pp. 17-20.

104 See S. Kuttner, ‘Sur les origines du terme “droit positif”’, Revue historique de droit français et étranger, 4ième série XV (Paris, 1936), pp. 728-40.

105 See p. 11 (discussion of l. Digna vox).

106 See B. Tierney, “‘The prince is not bound by the laws.” Accursius and the origins of the modern state’, Comparative Studies in Society and History V (4) (July 1963), pp. 378-400.

107 See Pennington, Pope and Bishops, pp. 65-73, and The Prince and the Law (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), pp. 54-75.

108 See p. 32.

109 See J.A. Watt, ‘The use of the term “plenitude potestatis” by Hostiensis’, in S. Kuttner and J.J. Ryan (eds), Proceedings of the Second International Congress of Medieval Canon Law (Boston College, 12-16 August, 1963), Monumenta Iuris Canonici, Series C: Subsidia I (Vatican City, 1965), pp. 161-87.

110 See B. Tierney, ‘Tuck on rights: some medieval problems’, History of Political Thought IV (3) (Winter 1983), pp. 429-41; B. Tierney, ‘Origins of natural rights language: texts and contexts, 1150-1250’, History of Political Thought X (4) (Winter 1989), pp. 615-46.

111 See L. Fowler-Magerl, Repertorien zur Frühzeit der gelehrten Rechte: Ordo iudiciorum vel ordo iudiciarius. Ius commune, Sonderhefte 19 (Frankfurt-am-Main: Klostermann, 1984).

112 Decr. Grat., Dist.40, c. 6.

113 For the text of Huguccio’s gloss on the words ‘nisi deprehendatur a fide devius’, see B. Tierney, Foundations of the Conciliar Theory. The Contribution of the Medieval Canonists from Gratian to the Great Schism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1955), pp. 248-50.

114 On Decr. Grat., Dist. 22, c. 1, ed. H. Singer (Paderborn: F. Schoningh, 1902), p. 47.

115 See W.P.Müller, Huguccio: The Life, Works and Thought of a Twelfth-Century Jurist, Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Canon Law 3 (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1994).

116 See A.M. Stickler, ‘Alanus Anglicus als Verteidiger des monarchischen Papsttums’, Salesianum XXI (1959), pp. 361-3.

117 See K. Pennington, ‘The legal education of Pope Innocent III’, and ‘Further thoughts on Pope Innocent III’s knowledge of law’ in his Popes, Canonists and Texts, 1150-1550 (Aldershot: Variorum, 1993).

118 See W. Imkamp, Das Kirchenbild Innocenz’ III. (1198-1216), Päpste und Papsttum 22 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann Verlag, 1983).

119 X.1.6.34.

120 Regestum super negotio Romani imperii, 29, ed. F. Kempf (Rome: Pontificia Universitas Gregoriana, 1947), p. 43.

121 X.4.17.13.

122 X.2.1.13.

123 X.2.2.10.

124 ‘Constitui te super gentes et regna, ut evellas et destruas, et dissipes, et aedifices, et plantes.’

125 Registrum, 1, 401, p. 600 (ed. O. Hageneder and A. Haidacher).

126 X.4.17.13.

127 See, for instance, A Short History of the Papacy in the Middle Ages (London: Methuen, 1972), p. 223.

128 See, for instance, his Vicarius Christi. Storia del titolo papale (Rome: Facultas Theologica Pontificii Athenaei Lateranensis, 1952), pp. 110-16.

129 See his Pope and Bishops, pp. 67-74.

130 See B. Tierney, The Crisis of Church and State, 1050-1300 (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1964), p. 150.

131 Sext., 2.14.2. For Innocent IV’s political and ecclesiological ideas see A. Melloni, Innocenzo IV. La concezione e l’esperienza della cristianità come regimen unius personae (Genoa: Marietti, 1990).

132 But see Pennington, Prince and Law, p. 75.

133 See K. Pennington, ‘Bartholomé de Las Casas and the tradition of medieval law’, Church History XXXIX (1970), pp. 149-61; and J. Muldoon, Popes, Lawyers and Infidels: The Church and the Non-Christian World, 1250-1500 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979).

134 See S. Mochi Onory, Fonti canonistiche dell’idea moderna dello stato -imperium spirituale, iurisdictio divina, sovranità, Publ. dell’Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, n.s., 38 (Milan: Società editrice ‘Vita e Pensiero’, 1951), and B. Tierney’s criticisms of this in ‘Some recent works on the political theories of the medieval canonists’, Traditio X (1954), pp. 612-19.

135 For a discussion and the text of this quaestio see W. Ullmann, ‘Arthur’s homage to King John’, English Historical Review XCIV (1979), pp. 356-64.

136 See Ullmann, ‘Arthur’s homage’, p. 362, n. 1. For a survey of the modern literature on both formulae see H.G. Walther, Imperiales Königtum, Konziliarismus und Volkssouveränität. Studien zu den Grenzen des mittelalterlichen Souveränitätsgedankens (Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag, 1976), pp. 65-111.

137 See E.M. Meijers, Etudes d’histoire du droit, eds R. Feenstra and H.F.W.D. Fischer, III (Leiden: Universitaire Pers, 1959), pp. 192-3; and R. Feenstra, ‘Jean de Blanot et la formule “Rex Franciae in regno suo princeps est”’, in Etudes d’histoire de droit canonique dédiées à Gabriel Le Bras, II (Paris: Sirey, 1965), pp. 885-95.

138 See his Super libro constitutionum, Proem, 3-7 (ed. F. Calasso, I Glossatori e la teoria della sovranità: studio di diritto comune pubblico, 3rd edn (Milan: Giuffrè, 1957), pp. 180-6).

139 See G. Verbeke, ‘Moerbeke, traducteur et interprète; un texte et une pensée’, in J. Brams and W. Vanhamel (eds), Guillaume de Moerbeke. Recueil d’Etudes a l’occasion du 700e anniversaire de sa mort (1286) (Louvain: University Press, 1989), pp. 6, 10, 20.

140 For medieval Latin translations of Aristotle see B.C. Dod, ‘Aristoteles latinus’, in N. Kretzmann et al. (eds), The Cambridge History of Later Medieval Philosophy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), pp. 45-79.

141 See C. Flüeler, Rezeption und Interpretation der Aristotelischen Politica im späten Mittelalter, 2 vols (Amsterdam and Philadelphia: B.R. Grüner, 1992), I, pp. 4-6.

142 See, for instance, from the Carolingian period, Rhabanus Maurus’ letter to Abbot Brunward (MGH, Epp., V, 23, p. 528); and Pope Stephen VI’s letter to Emperor Basil I (885) (MGH, Epp., VII, 107, p. 372). See also John of Salisbury, Policraticus, 4.2, 5.2 and 7.23.

143 Politics, 1253a.

144 For the dating of these works see Flüeler, Rezeption, I pp. 22-30 and 119-20.

145 ‘Gratia non tollit sed perficit naruram’ (ST Ia, 8, 2).

146 ST Ia, 96, 4.

147 Quia homo vivendo secundum virtutem ad ulteriorem finem ordinatur, qui consistit in fruitione divina…oportet eumdem finem esse multitudinis humanae, qui est hominis unius. Non est ergo ultimus finis multitudinis congregatae vivere secundum virtutem, sed per virtuosam vitam pervenire ad fruitionem divinam’ (De regno, 1, 15, p. 274).

148 See Hibst, Utilitas publica, p. 185.

149 ST Ia IIae, 91-5.

150 ‘Quaedam rationis ordinatio ad bonum commune, ab eo qui curam communitatis habet, promulgata’ (ST Ia IIae, 90, 4).

151 ST Ia IIae, 95, 2.

152 ST Ia IIae, 94, 5.

153 ‘Omne autem naturale regimen ab uno est. In membrorum enim multitudine unum est quod omnia movet, scilicet cor…Est etiam apibus unus rex, et in toto universe unus Deus factor omnium et rector’ (De regno 1.3, p. 259).

154 ‘Hoc igitur officium rex suscepisse cognoscat, ut sit in regno sicut in corpore anima et sicut Deus in mundo’ (De regno, 1, 13, p. 272). See D.E. Luscombe, ‘Conceptions of hierarchy before the thirteenth century’, in A. Zimmermann (ed.), Soziale Ordnungen im Selbstverständnis des Mittelalters (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1979), pp. 1-19; D.E. Luscombe, ‘Thomas Aquinas and conceptions of hierarchy in the thirteenth century’, in A. Zimmermann (ed.), Thomas von Aquin. Werke und Wirkung im Licht neuerer Forschungen (Berlin and New York Walter de Gruyter, 1988), pp. 261-77.

155 ST Ia IIae, 90, 1; Ia IIae, 96, 5; Ia IIae, 97, 3.

156 In octo libros politicorum Aristotelis expositio, 1.1.13.

157 ST Ia IIae, 95, 4; Ia IIae, 105, 1. See J.M. Blythe, Ideal Government and the Mixed Constitution in the Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), pp. 39-59.

158 ‘Condere legem vel pertinet ad totam multitudinem, vel pertinet ad personam publicam quae totius multitudinis curam habet’ (ST Ia IIae, 90, 3).

159 ‘Si enim sit libera multitude, quae possit sibi legem facere, plus est consensus totius multitudinis ad aliquid observandum quern consuetudo manifestat, quam auctoritas principis, qui non habet potestatem condendi legem, nisi inquantum gerit personam multitudinis’ (ST Ia IIae, 97, 3).

160 ‘Experimento videtur quod una civitas per annuos rectores administrata, plus potest interdum quam rex aliquis, si haberet tres vel quatuor civitates’ (De regno, 1, 5, p. 262).

161 ‘Relinquitur simpliciter magis esse expediens sub rege uno vivere, quam sub regimine plurium’ (De regno, 1, 6, p. 263).

162 De regno, 1, 1 (pp. 257-8) and 4 (p. 260).

163 ‘Nisi forte potestati spirituali etiam secularis potestas coniungatur, sicut in Papa, qui utriusque potestatis apicem tenet scilicet spiritualis et saecularis, hoc illo disponente qui est sacerdos et rex, sacerdos in aeternum secundum ordinem Melchisedech, Rex regum, et Dominus dominantium’ (Distinctio, 44, 3, 4), as quoted in A.P. d’Entrèves (ed.) and J.G. Dawson (trans.), Aquinas Selected Political Writings (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1970), p. 186.

164 See Watt, ‘Spiritual and temporal powers’, p. 380.

165 ‘Et praecipue Summo Sacerdoti, successori Petri, Christi Vicario, Romano Pontifici, cui omnes reges populi Christiani oportet esse subditos, sicut ipsi Domino Iesu Christo. Sic enim ei, ad quern finis ultimi cura pertinet, subdi debent illi, ad quos pertinet cura antecedentium finium, et eius imperio dirigi’ (De regno, 1, 15, p. 275).

166 ST IIa IIae, 10-12.

167 De regimine principum 3.2:2, 3 and 5, pp. 453-8 and 461-5.

168 See J. Miethke, ‘Politische Theorien im Mittelalter’, in H.J. Lieber (ed.), Politische Theorien von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart (Munich: Olzog Verlag, 1991), pp. 92-3.

169 ‘Sciendum est regem et quemlibet principantem esse medium inter legem naturalem et positivam; nam nullus recte principatur nisi agat ut recta ratio dictat: nam ratio debet esse regula humanorum operum’ (De regimine principum 3.2:29, p. 532).

4 POLITICAL IDEAS IN THE LATE MIDDLE AGES, c. 1290-c. 1450

1 See J.R. Strayer, The Reign of Philip the Fair (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980), p. 267.

2 For an English translation of this bull see B. Tierney, The Crisis of Church and State, 1050-1300 (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1964), pp. 185-6.

3 ‘Spiritualis potestas terrenam potestatem instituere habet, et iudicare, si bona non fuerit’ (Extrav. comm. 1.8.1). For Hugh of St Victor see p. 108. For a discussion of the intellectual context of Unam sanctam see W. Ullmann, ‘Boniface VIII and his contemporary scholarship’, Journal of Theological Studies, n.s., XXVII (1) (1976), pp. 58-87.

4 ‘Porro subesse Romano Pontifici omni humanae creaturae declaramus, dicimus, diffinimus et pronunciamus omnino esse de necessitate salutis’; see Aquinas, Contra errores Graecorum, 2.27, ‘Ostenditur quod subesse Romano pontifici sit de necessitate salutis’ (as quoted in Ullmann, ‘Boniface VIII’, p. 82, n. 4).

5 Extrav. comm. 5.7.2.

6 ‘Quadraginta anni sunt quod nos sumus experti in iure et scimus quod duae potestates ordinatae a Deo’ (P. Dupuy, Histoire du differend d’entre le pape Boniface VIII et Philippes le Bel roy de France (Paris, 1655), Preuves, p. 77): response to ambassadors of French Estates (June 1302). See J. Muldoon, ‘Boniface VIII’s forty years of experience in the law’, The Jurist XXXI (1971), pp. 449-77.

7 For an edition and translation of the text see N.N. Erikson, ‘A dispute between a priest and a knight’, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society CXI (5) (1967), pp. 288-309.

8 ‘Sed temporalia et spiritualia sunt omnino distincta nec sub eodem genere continentur nec communicant in materia, ergo temporalis et spiritualis potestates sunt distincte non dependentes ad invicem’ (text in G. Vinay, ‘Egidio Romano e la cosidetta “Quaestio in utramque partem” con testo critico’, Bullettino dell’Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo e Archivio Muratori LIII (1939), p. 94). See J.A. Watt, ‘The “Quaestio in utramque partem” reconsidered’, Studia Gratiana XIII (1967), pp. 411-53.

9 ‘Sine freno et sine capistro’ (3.7, p. 181). For an English translation of the tract, with an introduction, see R.W. Dyson, Giles of Rome on Ecclesiastical Power. The De ecclesiastica potestate of Aegidius Romanus (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press, 1986).

10 ‘Magis itaque erit ecclesia domina possessionis tue, quam tu ipse’ (2.7, p. 74).

11 See M.J. Wilks, The Problem of Sovereignty in the Later Middle Ages. The Papal Monarchy with Augustinus Triumphus and the Publicists, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, second series, 9 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963).

12 For a critical text with introduction see his Le plus ancien traité de l’Eglise, Jacques de Viterbe, De regimine christiano (1301-2), Etudes des sources et edition critique (Paris: Gabriel Beauchesne, 1926). For an English translation see R.W. Dyson, James of Viterbo, On Christian Government (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell & Brewer, 1995).

13 For Gregory I see Decr. Grat, Dist.89, c. 7 (referred to by James of Viterbo, 1.3, p. 116).

14 ‘Potest accipi via media…ut dicatur quod institutio potestatis temporalis materialiter et inchoative habet esse a naturali hominum inclinatione, ac per hoc, a Deo in quantum opus nature est opus Dei; perfective autem et formaliter habet esse a potestate spirituali, que a Deo speciali modo derivatur. Nam gratia non tollit naturam sed perficit eam et format…Vnde quia potestas spiritualis gratiam respicit, temporalis vero naturam: ideo spiritualis temporalem non excludit sed eam format et perficit. Imperfecta quidem et informis est omnis humana potestas, nisi per spiritualem formetur et perficiatur. Hec autem formatio est approbatio et ratificatio’ (2.7, pp. 231-2).

15 ‘Duplex potestas propter respectum ad actus diversos’ (2.8, p. 248).

16 See the critical edition of F. Bleienstein in his Johannes Quidort von Paris über königliche und päpstliche Gewalt (De regia potestate et papali) (Textkritische Edition mit deutscher Übersetzung), Frankfurter Studien zur Wissenschaft von der Politik 4 (Stuttgart: Ernst Klett Verlag, 1969); and English translation in A.P. Monahan, John of Paris on Royal and Papal Power (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1974).

17 For an edition of Henry’s text see R. Scholz, Die Publizistik zur Zeit Philipps des Schönen und Bonifaz’ VIII. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der politischen Ausschauungen des Mittelalters, Kirchenrechtliche Abhandlungen 6/8 (Stuttgart: Ferdinand Enke, 1903), pp. 459-71.

18 They follow Jean Rivière, Le problème de l’Eglise et de l’Etat au temps de Philippe le Bel, Etudes et documents 8 (Louvain: Spicilegium sacrum Lovaniense, 1926), pp. 281-300.

19 Patet homini necessarium et utile in multitudine vivere et maxime in multitudine quae sufficere potest ad totam vitam, ut est civitas vel regio, et praecipue sub uno principante propter bonum commune qui rex dititur. Et patet etiam quod hoc regimen derivatur a iure naturali, ex eo scilicet quod homo naturaliter est animal civile seu politicum et sociale’ (c. 1, p. 77). For John’s use of Aristotle for his theory of monarchy see T. Renna, ‘Aristotle and the French monarchy, 1260-1303’, Viator IX (1978), pp. 309-24.

20 ‘Sacerdotium est spiritualis potestas ministris ecclesiae a Christo collata ad dispensandum fidelibus sacramenta’ (c. 2, p. 80).

21 c. 3, pp. 80-4.

22 c. 5, pp. 88-9.

23 ‘A Deo et a populo regem eligente in persona vel in domo’ (c. 10, p. 113); see T. Renna, ‘The populus in John of Paris’ theory of monarchy’, Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis XLII (1974), pp. 243-68.

24 c. 18, pp. 165-6.

25 c. 18, pp. 167-8.

26 See pp. 94-5.

27 See J. Coleman, ‘Property and poverty’, in J.H. Burns (ed.), The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought, c. 350-c. 1450 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 639.

28 c. 21, p. 191.

29 For an English translation with an introduction see W.I. Brandt, Pierre Dubois, The Recovery of the Holy Land (New York: Columbia University Press, 1956).

30 ‘Sicut ergo corpus per animam habet esse, virtutem et operationem …ita et temporalis iurisdictio principum per spiritualem Petri et successorum eius’ (3.10, p. 309).

31 ‘Reges et principes vices dei gerunt in terris, per quos Deus mundum gubernat sicut per causas secundas’ (2.15, p. 293).

32 ‘Hoc regimen proprie ad civitates pertinet, ut in partibus Italiae maxime videmus, et olim viguit apud Athenas’ (4.1, p. 325). For Ptolemy’s republicanism see C.T. Davis, ‘Ptolemy of Lucca and the Roman Republic’, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society CXVIII (1974), pp. 30-50. See also N. Rubinstein, ‘The history of the word politicus in early-modern Europe’, in A. Pagden (ed.), The Languages of Political Theory in Early-Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 44-5.

33 4.2 (p. 327).

34 ‘Quaedam etiam [provinciae sunt] virilis animi et in audacia cordis et in confidentia suae intelligentiae sunt, tales regi non possunt nisi prinripatu politico’ (4.8, p. 336).

35 2.9, pp. 286-7.

36 See C.T. Davis, ‘An early Florentine political theorist: Fra Remigio de’ Girolami’, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society CIV (1960), pp. 662-76.

37 ‘Si non est civis non est homo, quia homo est naturaliter animal civile secundum Philosophum in octavo Ethicorum et in primo Politicorum’ (as quoted from De bono communi in L. Minio-Paluello, ‘Remigio Girolami’s De bono communi: Florence at the time of Dante’s banishment and the philosopher’s answer to the crisis’, Italian Studies XI (1956), p. 60).

38 See C.T. Davis, ‘Remigio de’ Girolami and Dante: a comparison of their conceptions of peace’, Studi Danteschi XXXVI (1959), pp. 115-16 (referring to the De bono communi). See also P. Hibst, Utilitas publica—Gemeiner Nutz—Gemeinwohl Untersuchungen zur Idee eines politischen Leitbegriffs von der Antike bis zum späten Mittelalter, Europäische Hochschulschriften, Reihe III, Geschichte und ihre Hilfswissenschaften, Series III, vol. 497 (Frankfurt, Bern, New York, Paris: Peter Lang, 1991), pp. 190-3.

39 ‘Proprium opus humani generis totaliter accepti est actuare semper totam potentiam intellectus possibilis, per prius ad speculandum et secundario propter hoc ad operandum per suam extensionem’ (1.4, p. 143). For an English translation of Monarchia see that of D. Nicholl: Dante. Monarchy and Three Political Letters (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1954).

40 1.4-5 (pp. 143-7).

41 1.11 (pp. 155-7) and 1.12 (p. 160).

42 1.14 (pp. 164-6).

43 2.3-4 (pp. 176-84).

44 ‘Romanus populus subiciendo sibi orbem bonum publicum intendit’ (2.5, p. 191).

45 2.6 (pp. 193-5) and 2.8 (pp. 199-204).

46 2.10 (p. 214).

47 2.11 (pp. 214-17).

48 3.3 (p. 228).

49 ‘Regnum temporale non recipit esse a spirituali, nec virtutem que est eius auctoritas, nec etiam operationem simpliciter; sed bene ab eo recipit ut virtuosius operetur per lucem grade quam in celo et in terra benedictio summi Pontificis infundit illi’ (3.4, p. 239).

50 3.7 (pp. 245-7).

51 3.8-9 (pp. 248-55).

52 3.10 (pp. 256-61).

53 3.10 (pp. 260-1) and 3.12 (p. 266).

54 3.13 (p. 268).

55 ‘Colligitur quod virtus auctorizandi regnum hoc sit contra naturam Ecclesie’ (3.14, p. 271).

56 ‘Duos igitur fines providentia illa inenarrabilis homini proposuit intendendos: beatitudinem scilicet huius vite, que in operatione proprie virtutis consistit et per terrestrem paradisum figuratur; et beatitudinem vite eterne, que consistit in fruitione divini aspecrus ad quam propria virtus ascendere non potest, nisi lumine divino adiuta, que per paradisum celestem intelligi datur’ (3.15, p. 273).

57 ‘Que quidem veritas ultime questionis non sic stricte recipienda est, ut romanus Princeps in aliquo romano Pontifici non subiaceat, cum mortalis ista felicitas quodammodo ad inmortalem felicitatem ordinetur. Illa igitur reverentia Cesar utatur ad Petrum qua primogenitus filius debet uti ad patrem: ut luce paterne gratie illustratus virtuosius orbem terre irradiet, cui ab Illo solo prefectus est, qui est omnium spiritualium et temporalium gubernator’ (3.15, p. 275).

58 See the discussion of scholarly views in J.M. Ferrante, The Political Vision of the Divine Comedy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), pp. 4-7.

59 Purgatorio, 6.88-92.

60 Purgatorio, 16.109-11.

61 Purgatorio, 32.127-9.

62 Paradise, 20.55-60.

63 Paradise, 27.40-66.

64 See for instance M. Grabmann, ‘Studien über den Einfluss der aristotelischen Philosophic auf die mittelalterlichen Theorien über das Verhältnis von Kirche und Staat’, Sitzungsberichte der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Abteilung, II (1934), pp. 41-60; A. Gewirth, Marsilius of Padua: The Defender of Peace, I: Marsilius of Padua and Medieval Philosophy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1951), pp. 42-4; L. Schmugge, Johannes von Jandun (1285/89). Untersuchungen zur Biographie und Sozialtheorie eines lateinischen Averroisten, Pariser Historische Studien, Herausgegeben vom Deutschen Historischen Institut in Paris, 5 (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1966), p. 118; J. Quillet, ‘L’Aristotélisme de Marsile de Padoue et ses rapports avec l’Averroisme’, Medioevo. Rivista di storia della filosofia medievale V (1979), pp. 81-123; M. Grignaschi, ‘L’ideologia marsiliana si spiega con 1’adesione dell’autore all’uno o all’altro dei grandi sistemi filosofici dell’inizio del trecento?’, Medioevo. Rivista di storia della filosofia medievale, V (1979), pp. 201-22; and M. Damiatta, Plenitudo potestatis e universitas civium in Marsilio da Padova (Florence: Edizioni ‘Studi Francescani’, 1983), p. 233.

65 DP 1.4.5 (p. 19): Latin text ed. R. Scholz (Hanover, 1932). For an English translation see Gewirth, Marsilius of Padua, II.

66 DP 1.2.3 (pp. 11-12). See J. Miethke, ‘Marsilius von Padua. Die politische Philosophic eines lateinischen Aristotelikers des 14. Jahrhunderts’, in H. Boockmann et al. (eds), Lebenslehren und Weltentwürfe im Übergang vom Mittelalter zur Neuzeit, Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, Phil.-Hist. Klasse, Dritte Folge, CLXXIX (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1989), pp. 56-8.

67 DP 1.12 (pp. 62-9) and 15 (pp. 84-94).

68 See, for example, DP 1.12.3 (pp. 63-4); see M.J. Wilks, ‘Corporation and representation in the Defensor Pacis’, Studia Gratiana XV (1972), pp. 253-92.

69 DP 1.10.4 (pp. 49-50).

70 For the view that Marsilius was a positivist see, especially, Gewirth, Marsilius of Padua, I, pp. 132-75. For the contrary opinion see, for instance, the most recent discussion in C.J. Nederman, Community and Consent. The Secular Political Theory of Marsiglio of Padua’s Defensor Pacis (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1995), pp. 79-33. See also E. Lewis, ‘The “positivism” of Marsiglio of Padua’, Speculum XXXVIII (1963), pp. 541-82.

71 ‘Quandoque false cogniciones iustorum et conferencium leges fiunt, cum de ipsis datur observacionis preceptum, seu feruntur per modum precepti; sicut apparet in regionibus barbarorum quorundam, qui tanquam iustum observari faciunt homicidam absolvi a culpa et pena civili reale aliquod precium exhibentem pro tali delicto, cum tamen hoc simplititer sit iniustum, et per consequens ipsorum leges non perfecte simpliciter. Est enim quod formam habeant debitam, preceptum scilicet observacionis coactivum, debita tamen carent condicione, videlicet debita et vera ordinacione iustorum’ (DP 1.10.5, pp. 50-1).

72 DP 1.17 (pp. 112-21).

73 DP 2.8 (pp. 221-31) and 2.17.9 (p. 363).

74 DP 2.6.12 and 13 (pp. 209-15).

75 See, for instance, DP 2.4 (pp. 158-77).

76 DP 2.5.5 (p. 189).

77 For this role of the generate concilium aut fidelis legislator humanus superiore carens see DP 2.22.9 (p. 428); see also DP 2.28.13 (pp. 544-5).

78 See DP 2.4.3 (pp. 160-1); 2.4.12 (pp. 172-4); 2.5.9 (pp. 196-7).

79 DP 2.22.10 (pp. 429-30).

80 For the republican interpretation see, for instance, Gewirth, Marsilius of Padua, I, pp. 167-225 (on Discourse I); W. Ullmann, Principles of Government and Politics in the Middle Ages (London: Methuen, 1961), pp. 268-79; and Q. Skinner, Foundations of Modern Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press: 1978), I, pp. 61-5. For the pro-imperial interpretation see Wilks, Problem of Sovereignty, pp. 109-17, and J. Quillet, La philosophie politique de Marsile de Padoue (Paris: Vrin, 1970). For Marsilius’ views in the context of Italian politics see N. Rubinstein, ‘Marsilius of Padua and Italian Political Thought of his Time’, in J.R. Hale et al. (eds), Europe in the Late Middle Ages (London: Faber & Faber, 1965), pp. 44-75; but see also D. Sternberger, ‘Die Stadt und das Reich in der Verfassungslehre des Marsilius von Padua’, Sitzungsberichte der Wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaft an der Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität, Frankfurt-am-Main, XVIII (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1981), pp. 89-149.

81 DP 1.1.6 (pp. 7-8); 1.19.12 (pp. 135-6); also 2.22.20 (pp. 438-40).

82 ‘Est etiam similiter secundum legem humanam legislator, ut civium universitas aut eius pars valentior, vel Romanus princeps summus imperator vocatus’ (DM 13.9, p. 280); see also DM 12.1, p. 254 (Latin text and French translation in C. Jeudy and J. Quillet, Marsile de Padoue. Oeuvres mineures: Defensor minor, De translation imperil (Paris: Editions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1979)). For an English translation see C.J. Nederman (ed.), Marsiglio of Padua. Writings on the Empire. Defensor minor and De translatione imperii (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).

83 DP 2.17.9 (p. 363); 2.18.8 (p. 384); 2.20.2 (p. 393); 2.21.1-8 (pp. 402-10).

84 DP 1.9.2 (pp. 39-40); 2.30.4-9 (pp. 592-5).

85 DP 2.30.8 (p. 601).

86 The best treatment of Ockham’s political ideas remains A.S. McGrade, The Political Thought of William of Ockham, Cambridge

Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, third series, 7 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974). See also his editions with English translations by J. Kilcullen of Ockham, A Short Discourse on the Tyrannical Government (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992) and A Letter to the Friars Minor and Other Writings (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).

87 DP 2.19.2-3 (pp. 384-6); 2.20.8 (pp. 397-8); 2.21.1 (pp. 402-3).

88 See H.J. Sieben, Das Konzilsidee des lateinischen Mittelalters, 847-1378 (Paderborn: Ferdinand Schoningh, 1984), pp. 427-69.

89 See J. Canning, The Political Thought ofBaldus de Ubaldis, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, fourth series, 6 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 79-82. But see also K. Pennington, The Prince and the Law (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), pp. 203-12, for a different interpretation of Baldus on this point, and pp. 113-16, for the opinions of Albericus de Rosciate on this question.

90 See Canning, Political Thought of Baldus, pp. 82-3; J. Canning, ‘Law, sovereignty and corporation theory, 1300-1450’, in J.H. Burns (ed.), L, The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought, c. 350-c. 1450 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 461-2.

91 For an interpretation of the significance of the academic law of fiefs see S. Reynolds, Fiefs and Vassals. The Medieval Evidence Reinterpreted (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), pp. 3-7.

92 See Pennington, Prince and Law, pp. 125-8.

93 ‘Deus subiecit ei leges, sed non subiecit ei contractus’ (on Feud., 1.7, fol. 17v).

94 On D.1.4.4 (fol. 20v).

95 ‘Ecclesia debet vasallo vicem, et de suo imperio non potest eum [i.e. imperatorem] ledere. Immo papa se facit alienum a potestate si talem iusticiam non reddit imperatori qui iuravit fidelitatem…Et imperator potest se defendere cum exercitu suo’ (De pace Constantie, to the phrase ‘In nomine Christi membrum’ (fol. 94v)).

96 See R.M. Johannessen, ‘Cardinal Jean Lemoine’s gloss to Rem non novam and the reinstatement of the Colonna cardinals’, in S. Chodorow (ed.), Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, San Diego, Miscellanea Iuris Canonici, Series C (Vatican City, 1992), 309-20.

97 See Pennington, Prince and Law, pp. 180-3.

98 See Canning, Political Thought of Baldus, pp. 68-9. See also G. Montagu, ‘Roman Law and the emperor—the rationale of “written reason” in some consilia of Oldradus da Ponte’, History of Political Thought XV (1994), pp. 1-56, where he argues that this consilium may not have been written in connection with this dispute.

99 See Pennington, Prince and Law, pp. 187-8.

100 See Pennington, Prince and Law, pp. 199-201.

101 See D. Maffei, La donazione di Costantino nei giuristi medievali (Milan: Giuffrè, 1964); and J. Canning, ‘A state like any other? The fourteenth-century papal patrimony through the eyes of Roman law jurists’, in D. Wood (ed.), The Church and Sovereignty, c. 590-1918.

Essays in Honour of Michael Wilks, Studies in Church History, Subsidia 9 (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1991), pp. 245-60.

102 See P.N. Riesenberg, Inalienability of Sovereignty in Medieval Political Thought (New York: Columbia University Press, 1956), pp. 113-44.

103 For an edition see D. Quaglioni, Politica e diritto net trecento italiano: il ‘De tyranno’ di Bartolo da Sassoferrato (1314-1357), con l’edizione critica dei trattati ‘De Guelphis et Gebellinis’, ‘De regimine civitatis’ e ‘De tyranno’, II pensiero politico, biblioteca, 11 (Florence, 1983).

104 On D.1.1.5 (fol. 7r).

105 For the juristic treatment of cities up to and including Bartolus, see Canning, Political Thought of Baldus, pp. 93-7. See also the classic work, C.N.S. Woolf, Bartolus of Sassoferrato. His Position in the History of Medieval Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1913).

106 D.1.3.32 was a major source for this interpretation of consent (see above, p. 10). For Bartolus’ argument see W. Ullmann, ‘De Bartoli sententia: Concilium repraesentat mentem populi’, in Bartolo da Sassoferrato-studi e documenti per il VI centenario, 2 vols (Milan, 1962), II, pp. 711-26.

107 See Tractatus de alveo (third part of Tractatus de fluminibus seu tyberiadis et alluvione), fol. 145v. For discussion of this passage see H.G. Walther, ‘Wasser in Stadt und Contado’, Mensch und Natur im Mittelalter, Miscellanea Mediaevalia 21(2) (1992), p. 894. See also Walther, ‘“ Verbis Aristotelis non utar, quia ea iuristae non saperent”. Legistische und aristotelische Herrschaftstheorie bei Bartolus und Baldus’, in J. Miethke (ed.), Das Publikum politischer Theorie im 14. Jahrhundert, Schriften des Historischen Kollegs, Kolloquium 21 (Munich: R. Oldenbourg Verlag, 1992), pp. 111-26.

108 See Canning, Political Thought of Baldus, pp. 159-69. See also H.G. Walther, ‘Die Legitimität der Herrschaftsordnung bei Bartolus von Sassoferrato und Baldus de Ubaldis’, in E. Mock and G. Wieland (eds), Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie des Mittelalters, Salzburger Schriften zur Rechts-, Staats- und Sozialphilosophie 12 (Frankfurt-am-Main: Peter Lang, 1990), pp. 115-39.

109 See Canning, Political Thought of Baldus, pp. 61-3. See above, pp. 8-9.

110 On Feud., 2.56 (fol. 286r): see Canning, ‘Law, sovereignty’, p. 466.

111 See Canning, Political Thought of Baldus, pp. 68-9, and Montagu, ‘Roman law and the emperor’, pp. 4-23.

112 See Canning, ‘Law, sovereignty’, p. 467.

113 See Canning, Political Thought of Baldus, pp. 64-8.

114 See Canning, Political Thought of Baldus, pp. 221-7, and K. Pennington, ‘The authority of the prince in a consilium of Baldus de Ubaldis’, in his Popes, Canonists and Texts, 1150-1550 (Aldershot: Variorum, 1993).

115 ‘Vniversitas nil aliud est nisi homines qui ibi sunt’ (to D.3.4.7, fol. 63v).

116 See J. Canning, ‘The corporation in the political thought of the Italian jurists of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries’, History of Political Thought I (1980), pp. 15-24. See also H.G. Walther, ‘Die Gegner Ockhams: Zur Korporationslehre der mittelalterlichen Legisten’, in

G.Göhler et al. (eds), Politische Institutionen im gesellschaftlichen Umbruch. Ideengeschichtliche Beiträge zur Theorie politischer Institutionen (Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1990), pp. 113-39.

117 For Bartolus, see especially Ullmann, ‘De Bartoli sententia’.

118 ‘Persona regis est organum et instrumentum illius persone intellectualis et publice; et illa persona intellectualis et publica est illa que principaliter fundat actus’ (Cons., 1.359, ed. Brescia, 1490, fol. 109v (=Cons., 3.159, ed. Venice, 1575)). For Baldus’ theory of kingship see Canning, Political Thought of Baldus, pp. 209-21.

119 See Tractatus contra Benedictum, c. 8, p. 189.

120 c. 24, p. 201, and c. 25, p. 207.

121 ‘Papa cum concilio maior est papa solo’ (c. 20, p. 185).

122 See the excellent study, C. Fasolt, Council and Hierarchy. The Political Thought of William Durant the Younger, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, fourth series, 16 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).

123 See K.A. Frech, Reform an Haupt und Gliedern. Untersuchung zur Entwicklung und Verwendung der Formulierung im Hoch- und Spätmittelalter, Europäische Hochschulschriften, Reihe 3, Series 3, vol. 510 (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1992), p. 366.

124 See p. 160, and DM, 12.5, p. 260.

125 DM, 12.5, p. 260.

126 For English translations of these decrees see C.M.D. Crowder, Unity, Heresy and Reform, 1378-1460. The Conciliar Response to the Great Schism (London: Edward Arnold, 1977), pp. 82-3 and 128-9. See also P.H. Stump, The Reforms of the Council of Constance (1414-1418), Studies in the History of Christian Thought 53 (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1994), pp. 3-21.

127 For d’Ailly see F. Oakley, The Political Thought of Pierre d’Ailly: The Voluntarist Tradition, Yale Historical Publications Miscellany 81 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964). For Gerson see J.B. Morrall, Gerson and the Great Schism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1960); and L.B. Pascoe, Jean Gerson: Principles of Church Reform (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1973). For an English translation of Ambulate see Crowder, Unity, Heresy and Reform, pp. 76-32.

128 The only modern treatment of Petrus de Ancharano’s political ideas is the unpublished Cornell University Ph.D. dissertation (1977) of J.J. Sawicki, ‘The ecclesiological and political thought of Petrus de Ancharano (1330?-1416)’.

129 The fundamental study of the importance of canonist corporation theory in the development of conciliar ideas is B. Tierney, Foundations of the Conciliar Theory. The Contribution of the Medieval Canonists from Gratian to the Great Schism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1955).

130 For Zabarella’s life and works see D. Girgensohn, ‘Francesco Zabarella aus Padua. Gelehrsamkeit und politisches Wirken eines Rechtsprofessors während des grossen abendländischen Schismas’, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Kanonistische Abteilung LXXIX (1993), pp. 232-77. See also T.E. Morrissey,

‘Franciscus Zabarella (1360-1417): papacy, community and limitations upon authority’, in G. Fitch Lytle, Reform and Authority in the Medieval and Renaissance Church (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1981), pp. 37-54; Morrissey, ‘Cardinal Franciscus Zabarella (1360-1417) as a canonist and the crisis of his age: Schism and the Council of Constance’, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte XCVI (1985), pp. 196-208; Morrissey, ‘Cardinal Zabarella and Nicholas of Cusa. From community authority to consent of the community’, in Mitteilungen und Forschungen der Cusanus-Gesellschaft XVII (Mainz: Matthias-Grünewald-Verlag, 1986), pp. 157-76.

131 See T.E. Morrissey, “The decree “Haec sancta” and Cardinal Zabarella. His role in its formulation and interpretation’, Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum X (2) (1978), pp. 145-76.

132 The Clementinae were the last authentic collection of canon law included in the Corpus iuris canonici: they consisted of decretals of Clement V, decrees of the Council of Vienne and one decretal each by Boniface VIII and Urban IV, and were promulgated by John XXII in 1317. Repetitiones were repeat-lectures which sought to provide a deeper treatment of a text.

133 At X. 1.6.6.

134 For John of Segovia’s ideas see A. Black, Monarchy and Community. Political Ideas in the Later Conciliar Controversy 1430-1450, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, third series, 2 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970) passim (with collected excerpts from John’s writings, pp. 141-61); Black, Council and Commune. The Conciliar Movement and the Fifteenth-Century Heritage (London: Burns & Oates, 1979), pp. 118-93.

135 For an English translation, with introduction, see P.E. Sigmund, Nicholas of Cusa. The Catholic Concordance, Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).

136 See Black, Monarchy and Community, pp. 85-129; and J.W. Stieber, Pope Eugenius IV, the Council of Basel and the Secular and Ecclesiastical Authorities in the Empire (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1978).

CONCLUSION

1 See J.H. Burns, Lordship, Kingship and Empire. The Idea of Monarchy, 1400-1525, The Carlyle Lectures 1988 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1992), pp. 146-62.

2 For the legacy of scholasticism to early modern political thought see especially Q. Skinner, Foundations of Modern Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), II, pp. 113-84. For a reassessment of Bodin’s debt to scholastic jurisprudence see K. Pennington, The Prince and the Law (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), pp. 8-9 and 276-84.

3 See G. Garnett (ed. and trans.), Vindiciae, contra tyrannos: or, Concerning the Legitimate Power of a Prince over the People, and of the People over a Prince (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. xix-liv.

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o

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p

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s

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t

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v

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w

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SECONDARY LITERATURE

A

Anton, H.H. (1968) Fürstenspiegel und Herrscherethos in der Karolingerzeit, Bonner historische Forschungen 32, Bonn: Röhrscheid Verlag.

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B

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Beumann, H. (ed.) (1968) Karl der Grosse, Düsseldorf: Verlag L. Schwann.

Black, A. (1970) Monarchy and Community. Political Ideas in the Later Conciliar Controversy 1430-1450, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, third series, 2, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Burns, J.H. (1992) Lordship, Kingship and Empire. The Idea of Monarchy, 1400-1525, The Carlyle Lectures 1988, Oxford: Clarendon Press.

C

Caenegem, R.van (1988) ‘Government, law and society’, pp. 174-210 in J.H. Burns (ed.), The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought, c. 350-c. 1450, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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D

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Davis, C.T. (1960) ‘An early Florentine political thinker: Fra Remigio de’ Girolami’, Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society CIV, 662-76.

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E

Eberhardt, O. (1977) Via Regia. Der Fürstenspiegel Smaragds von St. Mihiel und seine literarische Gattung, Münstersche Mittelalter-Schriften 28, Munich: Wilhelm Fink Verlag.

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F

Fasolt, C. (1991) Council and Hierarchy. The Political Thought of William Durant the younger, Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, fourth series, 16, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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G

Gagnér, S., Schlosser, H., and Wiegand, W., (eds) (1975) Festschrift für Her-mann Krause, Cologne and Vienna: Böhlau Verlag.

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Grégoire, H. (1966) ‘The Amorians and Macedonians 842-1025’, in Cambridge Medieval History, IV, 1, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Gregory, T. (1966) ‘L’idea di natura nella filosofia medievale prima dell’ ingresso della fisica di Aristotele—il secolo XII’, pp. 27-65 in La filosofia della natura nel medioevo. Atti del Terzo Congresso internazionale di filosofia medioevale (Passo della Mendola, Trento, 31 agosto—5 settembre, 1964), Milan: Società editrice Vita e Pensiero.

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